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hello everybody and welcome back to the final part of the lecture and as I mentioned at the end of 

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the previous part we're going to move the discussion on from things such as 

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distinction between Commodities and gifts and the idea of different kinds of values in economic 

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exchange to looking at the idea of economy more generally as this is something that comes up in a 

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number of texts on the reading for this week and in particular we would do this from looking at the 

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work of Karl Polanyi. Why Polanyi? 

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He is one of the most influential figures in the history of economic anthropology he 

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himself was actually a political Economist but drew very largely on the work we've been talking 

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about earlier he was very influenced by people such as Mauss and Malinowski and has had a huge 

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influence on economic anthropology ever since, and you'll see this in the in the papers from this 

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week I think the name Polanyi and certainly ideas from Polanyi come up a lot in the text by 

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Thomas Eriksen and 

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the text by Stephen Gudeman as well so if you want to understand these texts properly if you read 

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them in many regards the best thing to do is to start by understanding the ideas that stand behind 

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them in the work of Karl Polanyi so what is Polanyi's key idea or set of ideas become so influential 

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in economic anthropology the key argument really is that Polanyi argues that economists from the 

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eighteen hundreds onwards as he describes it have naturalised the conceptual or 

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the ideal separation of the economy from other kinds of social relations. What does he mean 

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by this? well 

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we often think about there being a thing called the economy don't we and the way that is talked 

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about in the media or the news often reinforces this idea the economy is stable the economy is 

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picking up and similar things with the market the markets are uneasy the markets responded badly to 

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the government's plans to increase spending on welfare whatever it might be and this reflects almost 

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a kind of naturalised  idea but there is a separate set of social relations 

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Called the economy with their own separate set of social rules. Polanyi argues that in most of 

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human history people didn't think about societies being divided up in that way or social relations 

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being divided up and that way they might have divided social relations up and all sorts of other 

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ways but the idea there was this thing called the economy with its own set of separate functions and 

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rules is a comparatively recent distinction trobriand Islanders might have distinguished between 

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Kula and Gimwali 

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but they didn't think there was something called the economy out there that was separate from 

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something called kinship or something called family this was all part of a general process family, 

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kinship, gift exchange, the kula of how social relationships in general was circulated and reproduced 

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themselves and this of course ties in really very much with the idea of the gift and the gift being 

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the predominant form of exchange in certain social contexts the idea as we mentioned earlier the 

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is a total Central fact in which economics and social morality and religion and law and morality are 

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all tied together. Polanyi argues that with the rise of commodity Society in the eighteen hundreds 

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you also have the separation of economy as an idea from other kinds of social relationships he 

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argues that previous economic systems were not based on the Primacy of the market on the market 

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economy so two things happen according to Polanyi. Number number one the market economy 

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becomes separated out from the rest of society and then number two then that market economy is then 

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seen as being the dominating principle around which the rest of society should be organized, so you 

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only pay for extra welfare or extra child care if the economy can support it rather than the other 

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way around. 

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He argues that in previous societies as we've seen before that the market had if it existed at 

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all had a quite marginal position and the other economic systems throughout most of human 

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history have been based upon rather than market principles combinations of other principles such as 

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reciprocity redistribution householding reciprocity will be familiar with this is the logic of the 

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gift which was a central organizing principle in many cultural contexts.  

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Redistribution he broadly means by redistributions systems in which a centralised state or centralized 

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political authority gathers in most of the resources and then organizes their distribution we 

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might think of the old Soviet system or the old socialist States in Eastern Europe as an attempt to 

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create this kind of system, other kinds of examples might be some of the empires or kingdoms that 

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were found in the Americas previous to the Spanish or Portuguese conquest in the fifteen hundreds 

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Society 

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such as the Inka or the Aztec for example, and finally house holding a system where most individual 

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needs to make not by individual people but within individual households in which most 

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households are relatively self-sufficient in terms of food and other necessities of life and they 

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might engage with forms of exchange with other households or other people on the edges of that 

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whether that's gift exchange or market exchange or a combination of both but households were largely 

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self-sufficient and that these 

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principles he argues were central to most societies throughout human history, and we can contrast 

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that for example with ourselves where most of our livelihood does rely upon the market I 

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Rely first and foremost upon selling my labor on the market in order to then gain money and then I 

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gained my house I bought on the market my food I buy at the supermarket my electricity I buy on the 

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electricity market so on and so forth so the market has become a centralizing organizing principle 

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for the production 

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And reproduction of human existence, but this is not a universal thing in fact it's predominance is a 

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comparatively historically recent phenomena. Therefore he argues that the idea of the market as the 

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fundamental basis of society that you find in economics textbooks that you find in Adam Smith the 

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idea is some emanation of human nature is actually based upon the myth of what he calls again using 

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the language of the time the bartering savage a similar argument to that made by Malinowski the 

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Idea that you saw people exchanging shells on the beach you'd imagine they were doing a market 

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exchange you'd imagine they were bartering with each other but actually they're engaged in a 

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different kind of exchange with different kind of cultural logic 

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again to reiterate the point. Polanyi is not saying that there were no markets prior to capitalism 

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markets existed but they were comparatively insignificant and as we will see they were Bound in by 

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certain kinds of rules and regulations we therefore he argues cannot see the past as our present 

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we cannot see what happened in history is simply a smaller version of what we have now leading up to 

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what we have now instead he argues there's a fundamental break in how 

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how we conceptualize Human Society these caused by the great transformation, when the economy becomes 

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seen as being separated out from the rest of social relationships. So Polanyi therefore argues in many 

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societies people's main concern is to maximise social relationships not money or objects again an 

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argument we should be familiar with some of the previous sections of this lecture it's worth making 

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the point that this is not necessarily some romantic 

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Altruistic noble idea of you know pre-capitalist people living in harmony with each other and 

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Living in harmony with nature it's a way of being that can on occasion be just as hierarchical just 

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as oppressive and just as self-interested as capitalism it's just a self-interest that operates 

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according to a different kind of cultural logic I might want to become the big man I might want to 

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Have power and authority over the young people by using the kind 

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gift exchange networks I described earlier, and maybe I want to use those because I want to become 

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important and I want to boss other people around and it was to build up my own prestige but it's a 

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different logic of self-interest Polanyi or other people like Chris Gregory might argue from the 

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capitalist banker who also is self-interested but wants to build up his stocks of money. This 

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self-interest is based upon building up stocks of wealth in order to give them a way to build up 

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one's influence over social relationships. Therefore, 

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Polanyi argues and this is one of his key arguments we need to understand the economic 

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motives as he puts it spring from the context of social life that we are motivated to succeed within 

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the context we find ourselves into a large extent rather than the economic motivation to acquire 

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lots of money being a natural part of human nature 

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instead what we are motivated to acquire what we are motivated to do economically depends upon the 

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context of social media 

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and as mentioned in other societies principle such as reciprocity on house holding are more central 

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than market principles and also important to note as well Polanyi makes the argument these exchange 

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systems can be just as complex in their own way as the free market 

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but with other kinds of values so for example the Inca or the Aztec empires of pre-conquest 

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America's were very highly complex and complicated social systems this is not simply just a 

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situation of small-scale village societies the Soviet Union while it collapsed in there was an 

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incredibly complex social system the Incas and Aztecs were incredibly complex systems that were 

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thriving and doing very well until the Europeans arrived they can be very complex social systems but 

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they're simply complex 

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systems organized according to other kinds of political and economic factors 

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so what happens well Polanyi says look in medieval Europe much of the traditional organization of 

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markets was designed to make sure that market principles did not spread far from it being assumed 

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that the market should and was the natural organizing principle for the whole of society and the 

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whole the economy there was a very conscious attempt to make sure that markets were delimited that 

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they were embedded in particular kinds of social regulations so only certain kinds of people 

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portrayed in the market for example if you were born as a peasant 

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on a feudal estate in medieval England and France you wouldn't be allowed to leave your estate and 

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say no one side of being a peasant I'm going to go and see if I can make some money on the market in 

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the nearby Town only certain kinds of people were allowed to trademark it wasn't a quote unquote 

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free market of the kind that we imagining it today so there was a very conscious and deliberate 

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attempt to make sure markets with limited markets could only take place in certain places on certain 

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days of the year as well for example, so markets are important 

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but they were deliberately politically organized to be kept in a secondary position and most 

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people got most of their livelihood and reproduce their social relationships and brought up their 

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children by virtue of being part of a different kind of economic system the system of feudalism 

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where they were tied to the land and title certain land holder. Now Polanyi argues that markets 

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become more important from the 16th century and onwards and this is a conscious political process this is not

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a natural phenomenon it's not something that simply emerges there's a conscious set of political 

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decisions then 

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the spread of the market Polanyi did sort of try to demonstrate this historically was a process 

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initiated and promoted by particular States 

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they wanted to spread certain kinds of Market principles in order to spread their political and 

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economic power and I can't go into the details of this now but we can talk about in more detail at 

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other times but the whole point being is that often in classical economics markets and states are 

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often described as being opposed principles but you think of this particular neoliberal economics 

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where the idea is the state is kind of bad it's for the bureaucrats state gets in the way of the 

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market and the state should step back and let the market do its magic the idea 

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Again come from Adam Smith that we leave the market alone individuals will actually create the most 

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efficient market so the state shouldn't interfere but Polanyi makes the point that the for the markets to 

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emerge and spread across Europe and then spread across the world the state had deliberately 

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intervene and get rid of all sorts of constantly regulations force people sometimes to engage with 

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the market when they didn't want to it was a process that far from being opposed to the state was 

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politically initiated by certain powerful State actors 

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and this is a process that eventually leads as he puts it to running society as an adjunct of the 

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market as and this is the key term the economy becomes disembedded from other kinds of social 

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relationships, but the market was a small part society that was embedded or rooted within family 

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kinship, Politics, the state, religion. You could only have markets on certain Saints days for example 

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it was tied in with other kinds of social obligation 

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from the 16th century onwards particularly by the 19th century the market economy becomes 

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increasingly as he puts it disembedded or unrooted from these other kinds of relationships becomes 

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increasingly seen as a separate phenomenon in its own right and then become seen as the predominant 

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most important institutions of society 

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this is not a transformation that happens organically it's not case the money magically 

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dissolves traditional customs and makes markets become more powerful as I mentioned according to 

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Polanyi this is a process which is deliberately encouraged by nation states and particularly in 

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England. So here's Polanyi's argument in a nutshell this is a quote from his book The Great transformation 

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a self-regulating market the idea that the market is left alone it emerges 

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Organically you don't interfere in it the kind of argument you can see in Adam Smith used emerges naturally 

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and then the invisible hand just makes everything work perfectly the idea of the self regulating 

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Market demands according to Polanyi nothing less than the institutional separation of society into 

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an economic and a political sphere so you take economics away from politics and other forms of 

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social relationship and create a separate sphere called the market. 19th century 

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in which economic activity was isolated was separated from other forms of productive activity and 

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imputed to a distinctive economic motive far from being natural was a singular departure unpowered 

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 in human history and this is important because it going to reiterate the point, but all that we 

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do we might argue and this would be Polanyi's argument and the argument of many anthropologists is 

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we are reproducing persons we're reproducing social relationships 

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When we circulate objects when we circulate Goods what we're doing is we're reproducing ourselves as 

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persons we might argue but if I buy food I'm reproducing on helping to reproduce the livelihood of 

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the farmers and the people who transport the food and the guy selling me the food at the supermarket 

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I'm also reproducing my own family by ensuring that they don't starve to death so these circulation 

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Goods 

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whether it's a gift exchange whether it's with commodity exchange whether it's from buying food in 

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Supermarket or whether it's through taking that food and feeding it to my 13 month old daughter 

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they're all part of a general process of reproducing social relationships and reproducing persons 

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and human life 

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What Polanyi is saying is taking certain aspects of that process and separating it out and say these are 

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economic when you buy food at the supermarket that's economics when you feed your daughter a home 

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that's domestic that this kind of Separation far from being natural inevitable is a particular 

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cultural construction and it has particularly powerful performative Effects by which I mean the 

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language of separating economy out from the rest of the  

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Society is not simply a description its performative in the sense that it actually helps to create a 

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particular set of social expectations and helps to reproduce the particular kinds of social 

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divisions that it actually pretends Polanyi just describes. 

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so this is what I mean by performance of Separation, the separation of economy from other aspects of 

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social life is essential part of the Great transformation as described by Polanyi but we could go on 

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argue this is not just simply something that happened in the eighteen hundreds it's an ongoing 

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process today as so for example if you take one example we can take many but the paper on the 

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reading for this week Theodoros Rakopoulous paper 

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on anti-mafia organizations it shows the central importance that people involved in these processes 

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put upon keeping work separate from family for example so if you think of the mafia that's 

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what Rakoupoulos is writing about he's writing about situation in rural Sicily where Vineyards and 

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agricultural Enterprises that previously been owned by the mafia now has been confiscated and giving 

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over to village-level cooperatives as part of the process of 

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De-mafiazation 

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and of course what is mafia? And in many regards we might argue that mafia among 

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other reasons is an interesting social phenomena because it blurs that boundary between work and 

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family. Mafia is based on kinship they might refer to themselves as family on one level but they're 

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also multi-billion dollar businesses at the same time 

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as of course many other businesses are as well we are all caught aware that in practice the 

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separation between work and family particularly of the top levels of business is often quite blurred 

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in practice even though it's supposed to be separate we're aware the lots of big companies are still 

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family owned and we're aware the kinship relationships is often a key way of getting in business 

00:18:29.150 --> 00:18:35.700
but mafia blurs those boundaries to a very extreme extent, and so Rakopoulous describes the way 

00:18:35.700 --> 00:18:38.200
in which the distinction between 

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certain kinds of family relationships that are okay to have in the business and certain kinds of 

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family relationships that are not okay to have in the business is far from natural and clear in 

00:18:47.800 --> 00:18:54.700
other words there isn't a natural clear and obvious distinction between what is work or business and 

00:18:54.700 --> 00:18:59.600
what is family and kinship on the other and that people had to argue amongst themselves about this 

00:18:59.600 --> 00:19:03.700
kind of family relationship is okay but this kind of family relationships is a problem because it 

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begins to look a bit like the kinds of family relationships we might have seen in mafia business 

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and we need to keep kinship and work separate. In other words the great

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transformation that Polanyi talks about is in many regards paralleled by a mini Transformations or 

00:19:20.500 --> 00:19:26.750
set of thousands of mini versions of that transformation or that separation 

00:19:26.750 --> 00:19:32.850
that are going on in the day by day basis and Rakopolous points to one example of that, the way in which 

00:19:32.850 --> 00:19:38.750
constant work of separation has to go on to keep family and business separate. 

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This is an important distinction because in many regards the separation of work or business on 

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the one hand and family and kinship on the other is one of the key Central conceptual separations of 

00:19:51.300 --> 00:19:59.200
capitalist society and it has many implications think for example of gender relationships to a 

00:19:59.200 --> 00:20:05.600
degree is not the only part of the story I'm sure but a central part of gender inequality as it is 

00:20:05.600 --> 00:20:08.350
constructed in capitalist economies 

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one could argue is precisely this separation but the kind of work I described of feeding my 13 month 

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old or my 13 month old daughter of course you know I'm a very kind of progressive and liberal kind 

00:20:19.700 --> 00:20:27.100
of guy and I do absolutely my fair share of all that kind of child care starts because I really 

00:20:27.100 --> 00:20:33.150
genuinely enjoy it as a kind of modern liberated man but we do know historically of course 

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but this kind of Burden if you view it as a bone as opposed to a privileges this 

00:20:40.700 --> 00:20:48.350
kind of work let's say has fallen historically and still to an extent falls disproportionately upon 

00:20:48.350 --> 00:20:56.200
women, with all sorts of implications and one might argue and many marxist or feminist Scholars 

00:20:56.200 --> 00:21:01.700
from the 1960s onwards have argued this point but essential part of the inequality or oppression of 

00:21:01.700 --> 00:21:02.700
women 

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This is precisely because of this kind of separation that Polanyi talks about it's not simply an 

00:21:08.200 --> 00:21:14.300
abstract thing it has a real life consequence, because these kinds of work and it is hard work trust 

00:21:14.300 --> 00:21:16.550
me bringing up a kid 

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Is in many regards even harder than sitting in front of this laptop and talking to you about Karl 

00:21:23.700 --> 00:21:28.400
Polanyi I know it's hard to imagine but sometimes it's even harder than that it's hard work and 

00:21:28.400 --> 00:21:34.600
one might argue it's just as socially productive indeed, don't take this the wrong way sometimes you 

00:21:34.600 --> 00:21:39.200
know when I look at my daughter I think it's maybe even more socially productive than you know than 

00:21:39.200 --> 00:21:45.600
talking about Karl Polanyi to to a computer screen we could also argue that some regards there's 

00:21:45.600 --> 00:21:46.699
similar activities 

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Even though they feel quite different because what am I doing when I talk to you when I'm part of your education 

00:21:52.600 --> 00:21:58.000
and part of you gaining the ability to become maybe an economic economic Anthropologist with the 

00:21:58.000 --> 00:22:02.600
very least it's part of you gaining the ability to get a degree which will then lead you to go out 

00:22:02.600 --> 00:22:07.200
have skills when you go out on the labor market and in other words I'm part of the process of you 

00:22:07.200 --> 00:22:11.800
gaining skills at create new as a certain kind of person and you will then go and reproduce certain 

00:22:11.800 --> 00:22:16.699
kinds of relationships at work or in family of which these lectures will be a small part 

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likewise when I bring up my daughter and reproducing a set of social relationships is very 

00:22:21.400 --> 00:22:27.600
different form of producing social relationships but we could argue as I mentioned a few slides ago 

00:22:27.600 --> 00:22:33.200
you could see this is all part of the same process but separating them out and saying one of them is 

00:22:33.200 --> 00:22:39.300
economic, my employment for University the other is simply I don't know hobby that I chose I 

00:22:39.300 --> 00:22:43.000
thought I was just going to bring up a kid for 20 years in the same way that I might take up 

00:22:43.000 --> 00:22:46.750
gardening so that's my responsibility to do even though I'm still part 

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that process of bringing up the next generation og labor power next generation of people who go to work 

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in factories or offices and shops but we call one of those things not proper labor we call it 

00:22:59.300 --> 00:23:05.600
domestic labor it's not real labor and that performative conceptual separations part of how that 

00:23:05.600 --> 00:23:09.800
particular work doesn't get ruled in the same way 

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and consequently I don't need to go through the details about how that might have implications for 

00:23:15.500 --> 00:23:21.800
gender relations of gender and equality so gender inequality might say for example is not a separate 

00:23:21.800 --> 00:23:27.650
issue we can't separate it out we do try and separate it out we might argue we fall for the same 

00:23:27.650 --> 00:23:32.700
logical problem that underpins the great transformation in the first place of saying that this has 

00:23:32.700 --> 00:23:38.500
an economic logic this has a non economic logic but maybe it's the actual separation itself that we 

00:23:38.500 --> 00:23:39.750
need to be looking at  

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And this is a central part in Rakopoulous' paper he shows us the way in 

00:23:45.800 --> 00:23:51.200
which how kinship and work are separated in people's ideas is then part how they bring them together 

00:23:51.200 --> 00:24:00.500
practice so to move towards the end. Polanyi argues that although the great transformation is great 

00:24:00.500 --> 00:24:08.800
it's never absolute and final, the complete disembedding of the economy the  

00:24:08.800 --> 00:24:09.650
free market dreams of 

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is actually impossible so to go back to the prior argument from the previous slide 

00:24:14.500 --> 00:24:22.000
one might argue that the continued existence of capitalist economics in its current form is 

00:24:22.000 --> 00:24:29.500
impossible without the reproduction of Labour and human beings that goes on inside the family and 

00:24:29.500 --> 00:24:36.650
one might view the domestic labor of parents particularly women as a form of hidden subsidy 

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00:24:36.650 --> 00:24:46.400
performed by Ordinary People to prop up a free market, it's a form of unpaid labor that then produces 

00:24:46.400 --> 00:24:53.300
the key commodity that keeps a market economy going namely the next generation of wage labourers 

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Polanyi argues if you look at examples like this the fantasy that economists or free market 

00:25:00.600 --> 00:25:06.100
concept of a totally disembedded self regulating market would collapse almost instantly under 

00:25:06.100 --> 00:25:11.700
the weight of social upheaval, but in reality all economic systems even if they have been ideally or 

00:25:11.700 --> 00:25:17.800
conceptually disembedded from the rest of society rely upon being embedded in other institutions 

00:25:17.800 --> 00:25:23.500
such as politics, law, kinship, and this is a point similar to the point that Gudeman 

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00:25:23.500 --> 00:25:28.200
Is making and I think if you understand this all this stuff you'll find it quite easy to read this 

00:25:28.200 --> 00:25:33.600
paper. His point is is similar in many regards when he argues that all the economies are 

00:25:33.600 --> 00:25:38.300
based upon a relationship between what he calls community and Market 

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and the two things rely upon each other but in different combinations or different emphasis and 

00:25:44.000 --> 00:25:49.700
different certain for society one might become more important than the other. There's a consequence 

00:25:49.700 --> 00:25:56.200
self-creating and self-standing markets simply empirically do not exist 

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so just to conclude I want to conclude with a couple of small examples. 

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although economic anthropology was largely developed through the kinds of contrast between Western 

00:26:10.700 --> 00:26:16.700
societies and the rest that we talked about in the earlier lectures most emblematic of course is 

00:26:16.700 --> 00:26:21.900
Malinowski he went to the furthest away part of the world at the time to find people who seemed the 

00:26:21.900 --> 00:26:27.000
most different from what he imagined Europeans look like in order to show that they weren't the same 

00:26:27.000 --> 00:26:32.900
and there were different ways of organizing society. Economic anthropology was therefore in the early 

00:26:32.900 --> 00:26:34.500
20th century around a hundred years ago

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00:26:34.500 --> 00:26:40.200
largely developed from this kind of contrast but it's important to remember its main arguments do 

00:26:40.200 --> 00:26:46.650
not necessarily rely upon this contrast what we find from Polanyi what we find from reading the 

00:26:46.650 --> 00:26:54.500
scholars who have written since since Polanyi is that even in an alleged market economy we find 

00:26:54.500 --> 00:26:59.300
that although there's a conceptual separation between Market principles and other principles with 

00:26:59.300 --> 00:27:04.450
Market principles held to be predominant it's still the case that the market is intertwined 

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00:27:04.450 --> 00:27:11.400
with other kinds of principles and we can see contrasts and debates between market bodies and 

00:27:11.400 --> 00:27:21.200
other kinds of bodies. Even in our own Society even if we don't want to think too much anymore about 

00:27:21.200 --> 00:27:25.600
the trobriand Islanders let's say I mean I find them interesting because I did my work in Papua New 

00:27:25.600 --> 00:27:29.100
Guinea but let's say that you don't want to think about this 

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what's important is not whether we do field work or research in Papua New Guinea or whether we do 

00:27:35.100 --> 00:27:41.900
research in Oslo or New York what's important is the critical perspective that the discipline can 

00:27:41.900 --> 00:27:49.600
provide on issues such as the assumed naturalness or the assumed universality of particular kinds of 

00:27:49.600 --> 00:27:55.650
economic principles we all know from our own lives that we don't always operate with homo economicus 

00:27:55.650 --> 00:27:59.350
and so it's important to have maintained this critical perspective 

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00:27:59.350 --> 00:28:06.700
to understand contemporary political and economic issues as well and contemporary anthropology can 

00:28:06.700 --> 00:28:12.200
illustrate the ways in which non-market principles are Central to the existence and operation 

00:28:12.200 --> 00:28:17.500
Of financial markets drawing on the insights of these earlier Works in order to develop an 

00:28:17.500 --> 00:28:25.000
understanding of the world that we live in today and let me just finish with an example I could say 

00:28:25.000 --> 00:28:28.950
any example is one example this is an anthropologist called Kaitlin Zaloom  

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00:28:28.950 --> 00:28:32.800
it's a really interesting book if you have time to go away and read a book I'm sure you're all very 

00:28:32.800 --> 00:28:36.500
busy with all the other readings people set you but if you have time this books very nice very 

00:28:36.500 --> 00:28:43.600
clearly written this book out of the pits is an ethnography is an anthropological study of futures 

00:28:43.600 --> 00:28:49.000
Market traders in Chicago in the early 2000s, people you would think would be the most hyper 

00:28:49.000 --> 00:28:54.800
capitalist Ultra free market people in the world and in many regards they are. They are 

00:28:54.800 --> 00:28:59.250
hyper-competitive hyper-masculine they used to operate in these pits here with 

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00:28:59.250 --> 00:29:06.450
which when you've got rid of from the late 1990s onwards and gone by the mid-2000s where these men 

00:29:06.450 --> 00:29:11.200
They were all men pretty much they would stand there shouting bellowing and making trades worth 

00:29:11.200 --> 00:29:16.100
millions of dollars every minute and they were hyper-competitive and hyper individualistic but the 

00:29:16.100 --> 00:29:22.449
market they were part of didn't just spontaneously emerge from their competitive individual managers 

00:29:22.449 --> 00:29:27.000
and they weren't just always motivated by individual greed for individual profit as well although 

00:29:27.000 --> 00:29:28.500
they often were 

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Zaloom describes how they actually believe in the market as an institution as a cultural institution 

00:29:34.400 --> 00:29:41.700
and they do work in order to help build and maintain the actual Marketplace sometimes when they see 

00:29:41.700 --> 00:29:44.950
the market overall might take a big loss 

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00:29:44.950 --> 00:29:50.000
and they scared it's going to threaten the markets Integrity as individuals they will sometimes take 

00:29:50.000 --> 00:29:55.500
heavy losses out of a sense of obligation to help build the market in other words the market doesn't 

00:29:55.500 --> 00:30:01.850
emerge naturally from their selfishness they themselves often self sacrifice in order to help build 

00:30:01.850 --> 00:30:07.000
the cultural institution called the market, so belief in the market appears as much as a cultural 

00:30:07.000 --> 00:30:12.700
belief rather than simply the outcome of their individual desires to maximize their income

00:30:12.700 --> 00:30:14.300


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and Zaloom also lists the way in which markets are constructed from long-standing social 

00:30:19.800 --> 00:30:25.400
relationships. Relationships of patronage and mentorage people gaining mentors or patrons and 

00:30:25.400 --> 00:30:31.500
entering into long-term friendships with them often friendships and mediated kinds of gift exchange 

00:30:31.500 --> 00:30:36.900
in other words the building the social fabric of the market still has within it all sorts of 

00:30:36.900 --> 00:30:42.500
long-term gift exchange relationships even at the heart of one of the most powerful and seemingly 

00:30:42.500 --> 00:30:45.350
most free market institutions in a capitalistic economy 

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and these links these relationships Place unspoken rules and unspoken unofficial limitations on the 

00:30:53.000 --> 00:30:59.900
behavior of Traders they constrain them from being Ultra selfish they enforce them to try and on 

00:30:59.900 --> 00:31:06.000
occasion take losses to sustain the market in other words the competitive activities of market 

00:31:06.000 --> 00:31:11.700
trading would be impossible unless they were embedded still within other kinds of social 

00:31:11.700 --> 00:31:13.250
relationships 

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and as I mentioned many of these long-term relationships will change by moves away from face-to-face 

00:31:18.800 --> 00:31:25.400
trending towards computerized trading in the 1990s. I'll just show you this picture here because it's an 

00:31:25.400 --> 00:31:29.200
interesting illustration of what I mean you see here 

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00:31:29.200 --> 00:31:35.200
these guys will be trading millions of dollars in this shouting noisy loud pit using these hand 

00:31:35.200 --> 00:31:38.600
signals that would show how much what they were trading what they're buying what they were selling and how 

00:31:38.600 --> 00:31:44.000
much money going through the point being is that no one taught you this I mean someone produced this 

00:31:44.000 --> 00:31:48.700
guide afterwards but there wasn't actually a textbook you can go and learn you only learnt this 

00:31:48.700 --> 00:31:55.100
start by attaching yourself to someone who's already engaged in the market who was a powerful Mentor 

00:31:55.100 --> 00:31:58.750
who had experience in other words you had to build up certain kinds 

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00:31:58.750 --> 00:32:04.400
of social relationships to enter into the market it's not the case even here the market is a 

00:32:04.400 --> 00:32:09.200
so-called free market but looks like the you know the way in which you know you might imagine from 

00:32:09.200 --> 00:32:13.900
Reading Adam Smith but two guys meet each other in a forest and they just start exchanging bows and 

00:32:13.900 --> 00:32:21.600
arrows or axes or whatever there's a whole set of cultural rules that you have to learn and whole 

00:32:21.600 --> 00:32:27.500
set of social relationships and obligations you have to fulfill before you even have the cultural 

00:32:27.500 --> 00:32:28.800
skill to enter into 

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00:32:28.800 --> 00:32:35.100
particular kind of markets markets are still embedded within certain sets of cultural rules and 

00:32:35.100 --> 00:32:41.500
certain set of cultural assumptions even at the heart of capitalism and so to conclude here's an 

00:32:41.500 --> 00:32:48.100
anthropologist named Gillian tett Gillian tett did her anthropological fieldwork at Cambridge in the 

00:32:48.100 --> 00:32:53.700
early 1990s and went on to become a journalist of the financial times and she's now I think Deputy 

00:32:53.700 --> 00:32:58.699
Global editor financial times and she became very famous in Britain and America 

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00:32:58.699 --> 00:33:04.400
the late 2000s as she was pretty much the only financial journalist who saw the economic crisis 

00:33:04.400 --> 00:33:11.600
2007-2008 coming and she puts the fact that she was the only financial journalist to see this coming 

00:33:11.600 --> 00:33:17.400
down to her training in anthropology and why is this because anthropology he says is a brilliant 

00:33:17.400 --> 00:33:22.400
background looking at Finance. First you're trying to look at how Societies or cultures operate 

00:33:22.400 --> 00:33:27.200
holistically so you look at how all the bits and move together and most people in finance or the 

00:33:27.200 --> 00:33:28.800
city of London don't do that 

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00:33:28.800 --> 00:33:34.600
it's of specialized it's so busy they just look at their own little silos and one of the reasons we 

00:33:34.600 --> 00:33:39.400
got into this mess we are in is because they were all so busy looking at their own little bit but 

00:33:39.400 --> 00:33:46.250
they totally failed to understand how interacted with or as Polanyi might say how it was embedded within 

00:33:46.250 --> 00:33:54.500
the rest of society so I leave you with that and I hope very much that next Autumn I think I will be 

00:33:54.500 --> 00:33:58.699
teaching the economic anthropology course and I hope very much to 

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Kind of have the chance to meet many of you in person and talk about some of this in a bit more 

00:34:05.300 --> 00:34:12.600
detail and I hope that this has been reasonably interesting for you and if not interesting at least 

00:34:12.600 --> 00:34:17.400
clear enough that you can use it for writing an essay with and I hope some of you at least found it 

00:34:17.400 --> 00:34:23.699
interesting and most important as well if you have any queries or questions or thoughts please don't 

00:34:23.699 --> 00:34:28.400
hesitate to email me I'm very very happy to answer any questions or whatever it might be 

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00:34:28.400 --> 00:34:34.500
and that's it and I hope to see you all again in the not-too-distant future 