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Hi everyone so we're back to the second lecture in economic anthropology and today we're going to 

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discuss something that is going to be very important in the weeks to come namely The Gift and  

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to understand what the gift is going to go into the text of Malinowski, Weiner and Mauss 

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and again just so you see me here I am and I need to go away for me not to be too self-conscious. 

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I thought I'd start by asking you to imagine a cold winter day on outside the you know the Kiwi 

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At John Collets plass which is a grocery store right by the university and on most days 

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during the winter there's a woman who sits outside Kiwi in rags 

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She must be a Roma woman she smiles at those who pass by and she's offering them 

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knitted mittens and hats for sale like winter hats and I don't know if you've seen her I've often 

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seen her I've never talked to her but I've been a little bit intrigued at what she has understood this woman 

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about what I am going to try to teach you over the coming 

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weeks namely the lessons about the power and logic of gifts, 

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And

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the difference between gifts and commodities okay so this woman has understood something crucial 

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about that that I want you to learn. 

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remember last week and the metaphor of how what we learned from the neoliberal consensus and the view of 

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economic motivation and economic life proposed by Milton and Rose Friedman building on Adam Smith 

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and how we can understand that as something that gets at something 

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true about economic life it does understand certain truths, however it is 

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part of a wider symphony of sounds and of insights and of elements that belong to 

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the world that we're trying to understand here, and in some ways this little instrument or this 

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this Insight that we have represented in their writings from last week is perhaps not even the major 

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instrument if you allow me to stretch the metaphor even further it might just be a triangle or 

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something that is not the fundamental the major thing in in economic life 

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so well this week we're going to start adding for real some more sounds to the symphony of economic 

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anthropology and we're going to proceed in making sense of the world beyond this logic of the pure 

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self interested profit motive which is the perspective of that the Friedman's 

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sketches out drawing on Adam Smith as we talked about last week. We'll talk 

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in this lecture about gifts okay and we'll begin a discussion that we'll have in many lectures to come 

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and in seminars concerning the nature of gifts and the difference between gifts and commodities so 

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before we get into that let's go back to this woman sitting outside Kiwi the grocery 

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store at John Collets plass the roundabout next to the university. She sits there, we 

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can all agree her aim to get money. She has a cup or she has a basket where she collects 

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money that she wants from wealthy people that pass by. Money so that she can what do I know live up to 

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the life that she wants to have, help her family and kin but through trial and error I assume 

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that she has 

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Learned that it can be actually very difficult to reach this goal to separate the money from the 

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pockets of privileged Norwegians in Ullevål Hageby just by asking for this money. There's 

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something about asking for money directly asking for a gift that rhymes poorly with the

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residents or the pedestrians in one of the 

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wealthiest areas in one of the wealthiest countries on Earth. She sits right on the edge of 

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this neighborhood and she's come up with this kind of solution for that, instead of simply asking 

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these people for their money saying you know reaching out a hand saying please give me money I'm 

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poor she has realized that it's much more efficient for some reason to offer people a service a 

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commodity. Mittens and hats and 

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Whatever she knits and sells there outside the entrance to the grocery store and this by the way is just the same 

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Insight that people who struggle with drug addiction has come to when they realize that they 

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need to sell magazines to others pedestrians in order to make a living to get money because people 

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seem to be more comfortable

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comfortable for most of us to engage in a 

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relationship with someone who needs something from us when they pretend to be selling something 

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or when they're actually selling something. 

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so what is going on here? I find this a bit fascinating. This woman outside Kiwi she sets up 

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a relationship that resembles more or less what you find inside kiwi than their commodity exchange 

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rather than a gift exchange 

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so she offers a service she gives us something and we give her something in return. That's kind 

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of the end of it, and here's the thing I suspect few of those who buy the  

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mittens really use them. I'm willing to bet you half my salary that around Ullevål Hageby in all 

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these houses there are dozens of unused pairs of mittens and winter hats that this woman has made 

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and they end 

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up being unused just like there are so many of those magazines that are sold by drug addicts that 

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people don't read. Why is that? why do we pretend to engage in commerce or have to pretend to do 

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commerce when we're actually giving people money? 

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why don't people just like to give away gifts to strangers 

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what is it about gifts 

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that make them so powerful?

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and what is about gifts and commodities that allows differently to navigate social relations. These 

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are the questions that I hope we will have answered within a few weeks and we're going to 

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come back directly to cmmodities but this week we're staying with gifts. 

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so let's recap to put this in perspective. Remember last week 

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we read the text by Milton and Rose Friedman laying out the neoliberal consensus and we looked at 

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the way in which neoclassical economics that is economics reinventing or rediscovering the liberal 

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economic ideas proposed by Smith and others 

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how that type of Economics tended to view market exchange as the universal basis for economics 

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based on individual human nature so it is all peoples propensity to truck, barter and exchange 

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that produces market society, that is the foundation for society.  

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By the way one of the students wrote a fascinating email to me mentioning that when I said that 

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the word truck does not really mean anything and this triad of Adam Smith's truck barter and 

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exchange it's not entirely correct truck actually means to give an object in exchange for another as 

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a verb in French so what Smith is saying there is 

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people have a propensity to barter barter and exchange and I think he's still just threw truck in 

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there in order to have three rather than two that's a digression but just to clear up that from last 

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time. You remember also how then from last week 

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how David Harvey challenged this neoliberal consensus through the lens of political 

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economy and we also read Karen Ho who provided her own challenge to the neoliberal consensus through 

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the lens of an ethnography of Wall Street, and so this week we go more thoroughly to work 

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here 

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we will look at a major perhaps the major anthroplogical theory that seeks to challenge the universalizing 

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assumptions of mainstream economic theory, from a different perspective name that directly namely the 

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gift okay so we're trying to look at a challenge to Milton and Rose Friedman text that's just 

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Put it clearly at that from the perspective of anthropological gift theory 

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There are ethnographic and theoretical basis for this gift Theory and the ethnographic 

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basis for it is most directly found over not exclusively but most directly found in the syllabus in 

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the text by Malinowski

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then Marcel Mauss reads Malinowski and puts his ethnographic data to work with even more universal 

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theory anthropoligal theory of the gift in his texts, his famous essay called exactly that 'the 

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gift'. All right so that is where we're coming from and how this relates to 

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the reading from last week, and we're going to keep pointing out these interconnections between the 

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and between the readings because that is the whole point of this course rather than thinking of 

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them as isolated, and it's going to get clearer as we go so let's just keep going. What is that a gift 

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then just to get going what how do we know what a gift is? why do we give gifts what do gifts tell us  

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about human nature 

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how do gifts shape culture 

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what is a role of gifts in understanding the economy? 

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I think you all actually have answers to these questions, but today and in the coming weeks we'll 

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look at some anthropologists who thought really hard about them and then the idea is that you will 

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use that writing in those insights as a basis for discussing these questions in your study groups or 

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in your seminars yourselves, and just to remind you all these are matters that matter in real life 

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the picture to the right here is a story reporting that Saudi Arabia donated or gave money to the 

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Malaysian prime minister and this was some kind of a scandal which was linked to corruption and 

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illegitimate use of funds to pay for someone's service which is not sup-

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posed to be for sale, and the Prime Minister and the parties involved here claim that this is a 

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genuine donation here is 

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this is a genuine donation was actually not something which expected anything in return so and 

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immediately of course this whole new story is kind of assuming that we don't really believe this 

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story that there was nothing expected in return you know with the such a massive transfer of funds 

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from a foreign government like Saudi Arabia to the personal 

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possession of a prime minister in a different country there's something fishy going on here it is 

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not free money, there's no such thing as a free lunch, there's no such thing as a free gift, and that 

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it basically the the argument of Marcel Mauss there's no such thing as a free gift, and you 

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should know this already by now you know when something is portrayed as free we 

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Reach for our intellectual revolver we don't really believe this guy saying that this was a nothing 

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expected in return because we have a conception of what a gift is to begin 

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with we know that it's about getting something in return, we know that it's particular kind of sort 

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of relationship. Again we know that gifts are such powerful intriguing things and so let's now get 

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into a little bit more systematic detail about what explains that power explains that entry and the 

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perhaps the first and most famous anthropologist to help us understand why gifts are so powerful and 

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what they are, the first step in this intellectual discovery that we're going to make is of course 

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this guy Malinowski

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whom I assume many of you already know 

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first of all the first thing to note about the text for today including my notes is that we are 

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Thoroughly in ethnographic territory in other words we're reading studies of actual people and 

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societies we're not you know reading about hypothetical people doing hypothetical things we're 

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entering into real human territory.

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So the first and most famous I single piece of ethnographic writing that 

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you'll find on the syllabus that helps us understand these questions about gifts is

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Malinowski's description of the Kula trade. Now many of you have I think already heard the Kula ring 

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and in the introductory course in anthropology that you've taken 

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but here is a chance I just want to make a note here that this is a chance to actually go a bit 

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deeper into that and it is kind of a real gem this piece that we put on the syllabus and I want you 

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to remember that you know consider this a chance to read something that you'll likely never have to 

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read or get a chance to read ever again 

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open that book and shut off your phone and read it from start to finish travel to some faraway 

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Island and see what sticks in your mind and see what connections you can make to the world outside 

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the Trobriand islands, this is the kind of project Malinowski is doing so who is this guy? well he is one 

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of the founders of modern social anthropology primarily because he was 

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such a Pioneer participant observation kind of a gold standard for anthropological fieldwork 

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he was as a side note also responsible for the development of functionalism as a theoretical 

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perspective in British social anthropology that is another Association that you can have with Malinowski

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although one that we will not give much importance in this course where we use Malinowski in 

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this course a lot however is in the ethnographic 

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 description of the Kula and this is a phenomena that happens in a certain place in a 

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certain archipelago in Papua New Guinea 

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and when Malinowski went there he's .. the straightforward thing to say 

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about the Kula the story about the Kula is that the guy Malinowski went there he got stranded on 

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this island and discovered that people were doing this thing this practice that he found  

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really fascinating they were exchanging 

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necklaces and bracelets in a ring in opposite directions, they were moving these items between 

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themselves between these islands on canoe voyages and there was an incredible amount of cuss and 

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gossip and organizations ceremony surrounding this practice and he was asking himself basically the 

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the same question I think any ethnographer 

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is asking him or herself but which we are a bit too fancy and self-conscious to admit which is the 

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very valid research question what the hell is going on here?

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what the hell are they doing? why they're doing what they're doing what is it about? and to understand 

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a bit more of that let us now have a look at a video just to get some visuals for about what we're 

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talking about before we go further, because it's often easy to forget that these are real people 

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doing very real things. So let me see if I can get this video going.

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Malinowski found one of his most important examples of the rational function behind a seemingly 

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irrational behavior in the Trobriand custom known as the Kula. The Kula was the trading 

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expeditions 

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from island to island exchanging goods what do they exchange? exchanged apparently useless goods 

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Armshells and necklaces. I gave you my Kula partner and arm shell you have to give me in exchange a necklace 

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Malinowski describes the Kula in great detail and 

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are excluded more and more from society sometimes temperate sometimes 

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so in Malinowskis later study exchanges or exchange system is one of the main mechanisms for 

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controlling behavior. Understanding the functions behind Customs like the Kula helped malinowski to 

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learn an even greater lesson that he and his fellow Europeans had more in common with the Trobriand 

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people than they had ever imagined. 

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Final conclusion is people are pretty much the same everywhere. 

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I hope you are all able to listen to that and more importantly to see the images of what this looks 

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like that always helps with this to me and there's important point that we get from this short video 

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it is that Kula is an organising mechanism for the trobriand islands as it said here it is a form of 

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social control it is a system

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that is terribly important 

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to people basically and my ask is trying to report on what it is about what is its logic and 

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another important point is get off the straight Off the Mark here is that 

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we're not dealing with details of the Trobriand island customs themselves for their own purpose 

00:24:08.100 --> 00:24:18.400
alone but Malinowski is trying to get at something that happens here in this system that has relation 

00:24:18.400 --> 00:24:28.900
or the relevance for everything else or things that happen par outside the system things that 

00:24:28.900 --> 00:24:29.600
happen in 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:24:29.600 --> 00:24:31.900
the rest of the world 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:24:31.900 --> 00:24:41.000
because Kula says Malinowski challenges our conventional idea of what trade and exchange is.  

00:24:41.000 --> 00:24:53.150
This is the idea that you pick up from the neoliberal consensus as explained and as we've 

00:24:53.150 --> 00:24:59.199
discussed last week. He says 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 85% (HØY)

00:24:59.199 --> 00:25:06.850
the word trade and he calls it the Kula trade, the word trade is used in current ethnography 

00:25:06.850 --> 00:25:12.550
and economic literature with so many implications that a whole lot of

00:25:12.550 --> 00:25:15.900


NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:25:15.900 --> 00:25:20.800
that a whole lot of misleading preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order to grasp the 

00:25:20.800 --> 00:25:29.800
facts correctly. Thus the a priori that is the the the notion of trade that exists before the 

00:25:29.800 --> 00:25:37.500
experience before the data comes in, this notion would be that of an exchange of indispensable or 

00:25:37.500 --> 00:25:44.300
useful articles done without much ceremony or regulation under stress of dearth or need, spasmodic 

00:25:44.300 --> 00:25:45.650
irregular intervals 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 81% (HØY)

00:25:45.650 --> 00:25:54.400
and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out ?sharply not to be done out of 

00:25:54.400 --> 00:26:04.800
his do? this is the wheeling and dealing of self-interested market exchange as explained by Adam Smith. 

00:26:04.800 --> 00:26:10.400
As we discovered or re integrated by Milton Friedman.

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 80% (HØY)

00:26:10.400 --> 00:26:18.200
Malinowski says we have to realize today that the Kula contradicts in almost every point 

00:26:18.200 --> 00:26:26.900
this definition of savage trade, it shows us primitive exchange in an entirely different 

00:26:26.900 --> 00:26:28.650
light. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:26:28.650 --> 00:26:38.500
We can keep this in the back of our minds this kind of radical comparison that Malinowski

00:26:38.500 --> 00:26:45.700
already in his 1920 something text invites us to make the way in which what happens in the trobriand 

00:26:45.700 --> 00:26:54.800
islands has something to do with trade more widely understood on Wall Street, in the kinds of 

00:26:54.800 --> 00:26:58.750
groups that you also read about in the syllabus 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:26:58.750 --> 00:27:12.050
Bankers, brokers, Wall Street traders and we will have a few more text to help you develop that comparison 

00:27:12.050 --> 00:27:23.000
even further, but for now how does the Kula ring challenge conventional expectations of trade and 

00:27:23.000 --> 00:27:28.750
economics? first of all we are dealing with items that have

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:27:28.750 --> 00:27:40.500
no use value no apparent use value some of the bracelets don't even fit humans they are so thin and 

00:27:40.500 --> 00:27:48.700
so narrow that they cannot put them on. The important thing is that however to exchange and they have 

00:27:48.700 --> 00:27:58.300
an incredible value but there is no use value to these items, you cannot own them you will not own 

00:27:58.300 --> 00:27:59.700
them 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 88% (HØY)

00:28:00.200 --> 00:28:09.400
permanently people do not hold onto the goods for a long time they circulate a continuously, so 

00:28:09.400 --> 00:28:20.900
there's no permanent ownership. Thirdly the transactions they never finish, 

00:28:20.900 --> 00:28:29.800
you enter into the Kula ring and you create Kula partners to trade and these items with 

00:28:29.800 --> 00:28:31.000
you in different directions 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 74% (MEDIUM)

00:28:31.000 --> 00:28:33.200
for life. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:28:33.200 --> 00:28:40.200
The transaction is never finished, it is a lifelong relationship. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 88% (HØY)

00:28:40.800 --> 00:28:48.900
This seem to be kind of the opposite of the grocery store relationship, which is handled and 

00:28:48.900 --> 00:28:57.500
arises there at the cash register but then disappears and you probably will not think about this 

00:28:57.500 --> 00:29:00.650
person that you did a trade with again. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 79% (HØY)

00:29:00.650 --> 00:29:07.199
This on the other hand lasts for life. One transaction never finishes anything 

00:29:07.199 --> 00:29:20.350
they form a permanent trading relationship, and this is the point that they last 

00:29:20.350 --> 00:29:25.900
because it's the history of the relationships and the people behind the items, the relation of 

00:29:25.900 --> 00:29:28.000
history that gives them 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:29:28.000 --> 00:29:35.600
value. The Kula objects have biographies themselves sometimes they 

00:29:35.600 --> 00:29:42.150
even have names and the value comes from this history and prestige 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:29:42.150 --> 00:29:50.050
and it says the legend the myth of the items themselves.  

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:29:50.050 --> 00:30:02.100
Looking at pictures like these of

00:30:02.800 --> 00:30:16.500
people in faraway islands going out on elaborate ceremonial voyages trading shells and necklaces 

00:30:16.500 --> 00:30:19.950
bracelets in opposite 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:30:19.950 --> 00:30:25.300
clockwise and counterclockwise directions across islands in the pacific 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 78% (HØY)

00:30:25.800 --> 00:30:36.700
By looking at this it is tempting to say "oh God how exotic strange how wondrous it is that 

00:30:36.700 --> 00:30:45.400
people can do such a thing on such an exotic island" This is a tendency that 

00:30:45.400 --> 00:30:53.700
Malinowski takes a clear step away from in this text, and which is very much aligned with the way this 

00:30:53.700 --> 00:30:55.600
whole course is set up. The way 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:30:55.600 --> 00:31:03.600
we want you to think. Because what is it about the Kula that can tell us 

00:31:03.600 --> 00:31:11.800
something about how we organize societies far beyond the Trobriand islands. What are the 

00:31:11.800 --> 00:31:17.700
comparisons we can make between the Kula the objects that are that are exchanged in the Kula ring 

00:31:17.700 --> 00:31:25.400
and objects that are of certain value and we that we treat in 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 67% (MEDIUM)

00:31:25.400 --> 00:31:33.800
Similar ways in our own society. Malinowski makes two comparisons in the text one with the crown 

00:31:33.800 --> 00:31:48.200
jewels that do not have any particular use value, so that's one. They are just put on 

00:31:48.200 --> 00:31:55.600
display to create kind of a hierarchy as the status and prestige.  

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:31:55.600 --> 00:32:09.250
The second comparison is closer to the never finished part of the description of the Kula

00:32:09.250 --> 00:32:20.300
the way in which the Kula objects travel and are in the property of certain people for a short 

00:32:20.300 --> 00:32:25.550
period of time just like sport trophies that 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 71% (MEDIUM)

00:32:25.550 --> 00:32:36.850
you show and they give you pride and kind of a position in a cosmological story about greatness, 

00:32:36.850 --> 00:32:45.400
but you do not hold on to them. You learn them and gain them and then you give them on. A Champions 

00:32:45.400 --> 00:32:55.500
League football trophy would be something that resembles that type of characteristic, 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:32:55.500 --> 00:32:59.650
even those two comparisons 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:32:59.650 --> 00:33:09.600
is there perhaps something deeper here? a social logic a kind of logic to the Kula is actually 

00:33:09.600 --> 00:33:18.400
Universal if we look away from the items themselves and these comparison of items is the social logic 

00:33:18.400 --> 00:33:22.300
behind the items that is 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 64% (MEDIUM)

00:33:22.900 --> 00:33:25.700
universal 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:33:26.000 --> 00:33:31.100
is there something about..

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:33:31.100 --> 00:33:40.200
Perhaps the Kula trade is just a particularly illustrative elaboration of a general 

00:33:40.200 --> 00:33:47.400
Trend that you find in all societies. This is the question that Marcel Mauss which will talk 

00:33:47.400 --> 00:33:51.449
about very shortly ask himself when he reads 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 74% (MEDIUM)

00:33:51.449 --> 00:33:58.850
the data of Malinowski is there something in the Kula perhaps that tells us something 

00:33:58.850 --> 00:34:06.700
about problems and debates that are faced by humans everywhere in all times, so forget the items 

00:34:06.700 --> 00:34:14.350
themselves but the logic and the kinds of debates that these items produce and provoke in society 

00:34:14.350 --> 00:34:17.850
maybe that is something universal. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:34:17.850 --> 00:34:27.300
Malinowski was on to this already in his text that yes you seem to think that there is something 

00:34:27.300 --> 00:34:38.199
universally human going on in the Kula exchange he says that although like every 

00:34:38.199 --> 00:34:39.800
human being 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 86% (HØY)

00:34:39.800 --> 00:34:47.649
you can say that the Kula native loves to possess these nice items and therefore desires to 

00:34:47.649 --> 00:34:54.600
acquire them and then dreads to see them go however the social code of rules 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 86% (HØY)

00:34:54.600 --> 00:35:01.900
with regard to give and take by far overrides his national acquisitive 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:35:01.900 --> 00:35:09.700
tendency, so let's linger on that first for a while. Malinowski says that basically 

00:35:09.700 --> 00:35:23.800
humans are deeply cultural animals and we have social codes of rules that govern or

00:35:23.800 --> 00:35:32.550
influence our behavior and this overrides whatever natural tendency we have 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:35:32.550 --> 00:35:39.650
to like to enjoy possessing and dread losing objects 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 79% (HØY)

00:35:39.650 --> 00:35:46.200
so this is kind of the birth here of whole discipline of economic anthropology because what are 

00:35:46.200 --> 00:35:54.850
these social codes of rules that overrides our naturally twisted tendencies? these are more important 

00:35:54.850 --> 00:36:04.900
he says, so let's try and figure out what they are and to do that we need to to work out 

00:36:04.900 --> 00:36:06.450
ethnographically 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:36:06.450 --> 00:36:16.000
how Society is organized from the inside out or from the bottom up. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 77% (HØY)

00:36:16.800 --> 00:36:28.100
Malinowski is saying here that there are different social codes of rules  

00:36:28.100 --> 00:36:34.300
linger on that for a second, there's different social codes of rules with regard to give 

00:36:34.300 --> 00:36:40.400
and take that by far overrides our natural requested tendencies so there are different modes that we 

00:36:40.400 --> 00:36:47.500
operate in and when we're in Kula mode and there are particular kind 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 87% (HØY)

00:36:47.500 --> 00:36:57.450
Of rules that apply but that is not the same as to say that the Trobrianders do not 

00:36:57.450 --> 00:37:06.850
Barter or do market exchange, this is where the concept of gimwali comes in 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 81% (HØY)

00:37:06.850 --> 00:37:14.800
Malinowski claims that every detail in the Kula is fixed by tradition, however Kula is conducted 

00:37:14.800 --> 00:37:22.649
side-by-side with seemingly more quote unquote economic problems of bartering market exchange known 

00:37:22.649 --> 00:37:24.600
as gimwali 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 68% (MEDIUM)

00:37:24.600 --> 00:37:36.700
Perhaps one of the most fascinating sentences you have in those text is where Malinowski

00:37:36.700 --> 00:37:45.400
quotes informants who complain of others that they conduct their Kula as if it were gimwali

00:37:45.400 --> 00:37:54.150
that they really don't know what game they are playing, and that is when 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:37:54.150 --> 00:37:57.200
for instance let's say 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 80% (HØY)

00:37:57.600 --> 00:38:08.900
Let's say you have a friend over for dinner 

00:38:08.900 --> 00:38:16.800
you're making a new friend and you have that person over for dinner, he or she comes to your home you 

00:38:16.800 --> 00:38:24.900
make whatever coffee or give them a drink or make pizza whatever and as you leave you stand by the 

00:38:24.900 --> 00:38:27.950
door and he or she says okay takes up their

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 70% (MEDIUM)

00:38:27.950 --> 00:38:34.000
wallet and says how much can I pay you for this? This is the same point that Malinowski's informants make 

00:38:34.000 --> 00:38:39.350
When they say that some

00:38:39.350 --> 00:38:46.900
people conduct Kula as if it was gimwali, they don't know the distinctions between 

00:38:46.900 --> 00:38:55.200
gifts and commodities, between gift exchange and market exchange. These are concepts that we will 

00:38:55.200 --> 00:38:57.800
come back to

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:38:57.800 --> 00:39:08.300
in the lectures to come and it is the first piece of trying to entangle what kind of universal 

00:39:08.300 --> 00:39:16.200
potential exists in this text by Malinowski. Because that is what I want you to hold on to, there is a 

00:39:16.200 --> 00:39:25.000
universal potential in this text about the Kula ring and is this potential to understand the world 

00:39:25.000 --> 00:39:27.900
outside the Trobriand islands that Marcel 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:39:27.900 --> 00:39:37.899
Mauss picks up on and develops further in his book on the gift. Before we go and explore this 

00:39:37.899 --> 00:39:44.600
this potential to understand something generally human in 

00:39:44.600 --> 00:39:51.300
Malinowskis if we go and develop and understand that further let's linger for a second on a

00:39:51.300 --> 00:39:57.100
very important critique of Malinowski developed by Anette Weiner. 