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Hello everyone welcome to this fifth lecture in economic anthropology. Today we're going to talk 

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about this concept that has influenced a whole lot of anthropologists and historians which is the moral 

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economy and it captures much of what we have 

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been talking about so far in this course, and also perhaps opens up for some criticism and some 

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critical thinking at this point about what we thought we knew. So all that is to come, but as you know 

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we are building up our resources here to understand economic life and I wanted you to remember where 

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I started off these lectures 

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it was with my own experience from taking this course in maybe 2010 

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or something and telling my cousin that I like this course and him saying then 

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what does anthropology really have to do with economy, remember? and I was a bit taken aback by that 

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question, and it was as if he was saying you know anthropology isn't that the study of humans in their 

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social context and all their interrelatedness? kinship, relations, religious phenomena, historical 

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structures, 

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Norms, implicit expectations, cultures, values, notions of right and wrong what does economy have to do 

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with all that. The first lectures can 

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be heard as an answer to that question it has a whole lot to do with notions of right and wrong in the 

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economy but with gift exchange home turf of anthropologists, social contexts, religion we remember the 

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devil worship in the minds of Latin America in the 60s that Taussig writes about. 

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We will have another text for this week on Pentecostal religion and its relation to consumption in 

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Ghana so it turns out that economic life that is what people do as they exchange, produce, consume, 

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distribute values this is what we can understand as economic, it turns out that economic life has a 

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whole lot to do with

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everything else that defines human life you cannot understand economy as a separate sphere so actually 

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the extent to which the economy appears as something separate and cutoff is for us to ponder and 

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for us to explain as a phenomenon itself and I'm saying this just as a way to take a step back and 

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say you know what are the key lessons 

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that we've had this far in this course and if you forgive me I just want to do that I want to 

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take one step back in order to go two steps forward in this lecture. So let me try and run one 

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kind of summary of a fragment of one perspective on this in the syllabus let me try and 

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run that past you in the form of a 

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cartoon dialogue let's see if we can summarize this course in the form of a cartoon dialogue okay 

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and do not quote me on this 

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yeah because I might get in trouble, but just as a fun exercise and as a way to try to push 

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yourselves and push me to see relations and connections in the syllabus let me try and summarize this 

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thing in the form of a cartoon conversation. So we start off 

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with the Friedman's and their intellectual inspiration Adam Smith saying you know 

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humans everywhere had this natural tendency to truck barter and exchange barter barter and exchange 

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and they kind of walk onto the stage and they declare this without much evidence but based on intuition 

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and what is more 

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more this natural tendency and market exchange is our natural state of affairs and when we build 

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societies based on this principle when we scale that principle up and let people be left alone to 

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follow their self-interest well then good things happen for everyone. 

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Then comes Mauss

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Polanyi and Malinowski onto the stage saying wait a minute look at all these far away people's all 

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these societies back in history far removed and in geography doing things that do not look like 

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profit maximisation. It don't seem to be doing much market exchange at all in fact it's mostly about 

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gift-giving for these people so it seems market exchanges is not our natural state of affairs

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at least the Kula the potlatch systems all these pre-capitalist economic systems run on a 

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different logic on reciprocity redistribution and house holding that is production for 

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self-sufficiency, production for use that Polanyi is saying. So perhaps this 

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system perhaps this thing that these guys are 

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talking about is actually not something natural perhaps the system which makes profit-seeking and 

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free quote unquote market exchange into the foundation of its economy that is a modern 

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invention 

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that needs to be understood as a modern invention and political project and at specific time at a 

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specific place. 

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all right so then someone like Taussig and Tsing comes along into the syllabus saying well 

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duh there is a gift logic also at the heart of capitalist value production remember Marx remember 

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that the road to making capitalist profit starts off often times with a gift the gift of people 

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giving up their right to the profit that their labor produces.

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okay people are giving up part of their profits of their labor process letting  

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themselves be commodified and then of course we can go all the way back to Polanyi again

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saying well don't you remember I said that labor and land 

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Are fictitious commodities they are not made for the market 

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they are fictitious, it takes a whole lot of work to turn them into Commodities and then Taussig of 

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course says hell yes Karl Polanyi you are right you're damn right about fictitious Commodities look 

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here at these people these mining and plantation workers in Latin America it hurts when people's 

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labor gets turned into a commodity it bloody hurts and look at these people who start to worship the 

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devil when they are turned into commodities in the 

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labor market so literally 

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hell yes Polanyi. All right this is one 

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caricature but it captures I think some elements of the way this syllabus has flowed in the 

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way the insights have accumulated over the last four or five weeks. 

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It is again not a complete rundown of the syllabus in any way shape or form but rather an example 

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how I'm putting this out there to push you to see how you can make some connections how you can try 

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to start making connections in syllabus and I encourage this again and again and it can be 

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hard but also rewarding I think for your exams and for your intellectual development. 

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Right so that was a step back so now for the step forward in this lecture. One of the 

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concepts that we receive and that we talked about is this notion of the double movement 

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remember from Polanyi's text, if the great transformation is about how land and 

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labor was turned into commodities for sale to the highest bidder in the marketplace 

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then says Polanyi remember that is a Utopia it will never 

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function like that the completely self-regulating free market is an illusion. It is an Utopia, 

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it's a dream of the free market proponents that is actually impossible because it's totally 

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dis-embedded self-regulating market would collapse under the weight of social upheaval, why? because 

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there are counter movements to treating land and labor as nothing but commodities we all know 

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this you know you kind of cut people up from the social fabric and move them around as if they were 

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commodities in the marketplace they go crazy, look at 

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Chaplin I won't play the clip but I'm sure that some of you have seen the modern times 

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film which is basically a critique of industrial capitalism where Chaplin is an assembly line 

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worker who disappears into the into the wheels and mechanics of the factory and go crazy. 

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so Polanyi claims because land and labor are fictitious commodity the free market society can 

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never fully succeed, there is a push back. 

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So if 

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double movement means that there is a wave of there's any kind of an ebb and flow marketization and 

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resistance today we look at what characterises that push back what does a double movement look like in 

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practice 

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what does the dis-embedding of the economy look like in practice and what characterises the 

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counter push the popular resistance to the expansion of the market logic where the moral sentiments 

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that people draw from to contest the logic of supply and demand 

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this is where the concept of the moral economy comes in and I'll spend a bit of time on this guy he 

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EP Thompson and not so much perhaps is on Scott and Meyer, I just want to

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highlight this is not a substitute for reading Thompson or indeed any of the other texts okay. 

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This week has a lot for you I think and it has potential to I mean you could you could enhance your 

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thinking by really doing the readings this week as you can any of the other weeks but just to say 

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that this is not a substitute for reading any of these texts. Thompson is as I think I mentioned in 

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posts on canvas rather long piece but do give it a go. 

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I encourage you to shut off your phones for a few hours for even more than a few hours and read it 

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so that you shut off these technologies you know that corporation say that they are giving to 

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us hello we are being given something they claim that it is free these technologies but they are 

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indeed not.

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This should sound familiar to you at this point 

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so these technologies that make your cell phones buzz and captures your attention just so major 

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corporations can make more money shut these things off and have a look at what EP Thompson has 

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to say about the moral economy. He is

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A historian another character who works in this intersection between anthropology and

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history you see the trobrianders pop up in his text a few times again demonstrating that the 

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enormous influence that the work of Malinowski and other ethnographic pioneers have had in 

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economic history 

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and again these ideas of historians which were in their time influenced by anthropologists have come 

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back to inspire and influence and apologists in later times.

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He's known for writing history from below people's history whenever you hear people saying those 

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things they can trace it back to I'm writing people's history history from below that goes back to 

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EP Thompson 

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very influential historian and writing in the thick of the Industrial Revolution. 

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He's writing about events happening in you could say in the great transformation that he describes from a 

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very empirical detailed historical perspective so he writes against what he calls a spasmodic view of 

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popular history. A person with spasms it's a person who's limbs

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just kind of flip out and or who have no control over their body who reacts for instance to a 

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serious situation because he or she is that hungry for examples it's literal 

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Gut reflex that people have no control over 

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so of course Thompson's looks at the seventeen hundreds and he 

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sees all these food and bread riots in key dates across the seventeen hundreds in the US 

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what is going on here it historians before Thompson interpreted these as 

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basically people losing their shit because they got so desperate because the prices of bread got so 

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high or the supply of bread was so low they just lost their shit and started a riot.  

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No says EP Thompson there is something evidently something deeper going on here these people rioted 

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and they resisted against high prices against Market speculation from people who bake and 

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distributed and made money from bread 

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but they did that because they had a consensus at the heart of it a background consensus of what was 

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right and wrong in economic affairs. 

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You couldn't just do anything as a market trader as a capitalist as a miller as a 

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baker that you came up against this moral consensus that define what it was natural and indeed 

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possible for market people to do and this is what he calls the moral economy. 

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It's a definition and now maybe some of you are reaching for your pencils or copying something 

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off the page now we need to remember this definition but no and again not a substitute for 

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understanding the concept more generally but this definition can it help us getting there.  

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He writes that the moral economy is a popular consensus as to what were legitimate and what were 

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illegitimate practices in marketing 

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Milling baking Etc so notice here that this is a very specific definition of the moral economy for 

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specific historical purposes in the seventeen hundreds and then we'll see later how this concept is 

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traveled and expanded and he sheds light on lots of things outside the 

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Seventeen hundreds in England but it was made for this very purpose this very analytical 

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Purpose public consensus what was legitimate 

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what is right and wrong 

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and practices of marketing, milling, baking Etc and second sentence consistent traditional view of 

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social norms and obligations of the proper economic functions of several parties within the 

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community proper economic function so this notion of what is 

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legitimate again. So deeply kind of felt consensus about what prices for example ought to be in times of 

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drought for example or when the harvest is gone bad. What is the price it 

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is all hardly you know there's very little bread around what should be the price of bread in that 

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situation should we just let the

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markets deal with prices in other words should we let the prices go through the roof or is there a 

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moral obligation on the part of anyone who participates in economic life makes money or provides 

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food and bread are they there to provide a social service or to make money 

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and 

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In a sense Thompson is arguing that there's been a shift from a 

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moral economy to or from a system where economic practice was more embedded you know Polanyi was more 

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embedded was more rooted in Notions of right and wrong in social service in 

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notions of the commonwealth for everyone moving from that towards a system where economic practice 

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like baking bread and selling it in the market is accepted and forced even as a way to make money and 

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that's the end of the story. It's not your responsibility as a baker 

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anymore to

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think about the people you're selling bread to the you know getting into debt because you put the 

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price too high that's not your responsibility in this new system, in a post-industrial 

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revolution economy. so there's a kind of a historical argument here again about a shift that happened that 

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we can probably you know criticize and think critically about as we go along but there's 

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a historical transformation at the heart of this text which takes us to scope the Seventeen 

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hundreds. So Thompson's text is another thing to notice is a description of actual economic life 

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what's the relationship between market practices especially the selling of bread and food and people's 

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sense of right and wrong when it comes to those market practices and those two things sort of come 

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together in one term the moral economy, so remember this is the seventeen hundreds people. 

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Bottom of history of the Seventeen hundreds 

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this is exactly the century in which Adam Smith is publishing his Wealth of Nations it is the thick 

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of the Industrial Revolution The Wealth of Nations of course is the text where you have this phrase 

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of the Invisible Hand or Smith is saying that everyone is better off when the market is left to 

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produce 

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economic affairs to organize economic affairs, and Thompson is very nitty-gritty we can say he 

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describes markets as places where stuff actually happened 

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in a time when the ideas of Adam Smith took hold started to take hold where the idea of letting 

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market practices function unregulated without much intervention or concern of 

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legislators 

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EP Thompson was of course also a critic of Adam Smith saying that his book Adam Smith's book was 

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less an essay in empirical inquiry than a superb self validating essay in logic, for those 

00:23:50.900 --> 00:23:55.600
of you who read and remember Chris Gregory this is part of the critique that Chris Gregory 

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also has of the economic consensus rather the consensus in the 

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Conventional economics discipline in the chapter one of his book gifts and commodities. So 

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there's a connection here, and it was in opposition Thompson pulls out this deeply 

00:24:18.500 --> 00:24:26.100
empirical piece that we are reading today as 50 pages he's been I think 10 years collecting data for 

00:24:26.100 --> 00:24:33.000
just this article the moral economy of the English crowd in the 1700s or whatever its called 

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really documenting step-by-step all the kinds of food uprisings and riots and discussions and 

00:24:45.700 --> 00:24:58.600
disturbances in the markets places providing bread mostly. It goes through the letters of cell 

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Traders and bakers and politicians threats and 

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marketplaces diaries mayor's little notes in newspapers police journals everything that kind of he 

00:25:10.500 --> 00:25:20.100
soaks up in order to paint a picture of what was going on in terms of social conflict and economic 

00:25:20.100 --> 00:25:28.500
logic in the 1700s England any traces how especially in years of bad harvests 

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people resisted and held the government accountable to intervene and clamp down on middlemen and 

00:25:38.000 --> 00:25:45.300
speculation and all kinds of tricks that middleman did to hike the prices to buy up everything on the 

00:25:45.300 --> 00:25:53.100
market and then sell it in the same market to higher price creating monopolies and so especially in 

00:25:53.100 --> 00:26:00.500
years of bad harvests riots emerged as a response to 

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the dis-embedding of the economy from society as a response to this unbridled market capitalism that 

00:26:10.450 --> 00:26:23.700
emerged and I want you to notice his examples find some of them and be concrete in when you write 

00:26:23.700 --> 00:26:25.600
about these things 

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There are endless examples like this in the text, someone hanging up a note saying 

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you know identifying some I think these are miller's or dealers bread dealers in the market 

00:26:46.000 --> 00:26:52.600
identifying them saying this is to give you a warning that you must quit your unlawful dealing or 

00:26:52.600 --> 00:26:56.400
die and be damned you're buying the corn 

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to starve the poor inhabitants of the city and suburbs to send the France so 

00:27:04.100 --> 00:27:13.700
these dealers shipped bread and flour abroad instead of supplying for their own people and you 

00:27:13.700 --> 00:27:15.700
know there are people 

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saying you better not keep doing this because we're coming for you 

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and this is an example of how 

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Market actors were threatened 

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to set their prices on the on the basis of something else and simple supply and demand mechanism 

00:27:49.800 --> 00:27:56.600
so people rebel against those who bought up the market to sell higher prices or who 

00:27:56.600 --> 00:28:06.100
sold off their trade their goods to foreign lands and they had an effect 

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this is not the logic of supply and demand but it's the logic of we demand Thompson surveys 

00:28:15.000 --> 00:28:21.300
newspapers and letters in the Seventeen hundreds finds a series of threats and signs to organize 

00:28:21.300 --> 00:28:30.900
against high prices and in moral market practices letters to marketeers middlemen politicians and 

00:28:30.900 --> 00:28:36.050
others people burn down mills and 

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Threw even the produce to the side he quotes crowd that gathered outside the baker and set the 

00:28:46.300 --> 00:28:54.300
price of bread we demand we decide what the price is going to be, it's not for you to decide and they 

00:28:54.300 --> 00:29:01.900
The bakers and traders and miller's did not have much choice then to oblige.  

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In the 1740s at Norwich people went to every baker in the city and fixed a note on his door 

00:29:11.000 --> 00:29:22.700
in these words wheat at sixteen shillings so people set the price not supply and demand, and 

00:29:22.700 --> 00:29:29.800
these says Thompson were not spasms they were not 

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stuff that just happened because people were hungry no they were calculated protests and threats 

00:29:38.900 --> 00:29:50.600
based not on pure desperation but on people being morally indignant people being upset because 

00:29:50.600 --> 00:29:56.100
their sense of right and wrong had been challenged 

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and 

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the agency of these people who rioted got together in marketplaces often led by women by the 

00:30:07.100 --> 00:30:24.000
way is their agency is evident in that they didn't often even take the food and you know just eat 

00:30:24.000 --> 00:30:29.700
the food or distributed amongst themselves they even threw it to the side the point was to 

00:30:29.700 --> 00:30:30.850
scare 

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and to discipline the market actors into taking their needs into concern into consideration 

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so this is what Thompson says about the effects what were the effects

00:30:57.500 --> 00:31:03.650
Were they successful how successful were they well it says that although these threats of 

00:31:03.650 --> 00:31:11.300
violence of rioting and also real riots often in other places with great costs with you know produce 

00:31:11.300 --> 00:31:18.000
Calamity people were killed and these moral complaints and

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threats they lead to norms they produce norms it teaches dealers and miller's to know that there are 

00:31:26.900 --> 00:31:35.000
limits to their economic behaviour there are boundaries that they cannot cross it keeps their drive 

00:31:35.000 --> 00:31:38.900
towards profit maximisation in check 

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and the point for Thompson is not just that the prices are determined by many other factors and mere 

00:31:47.750 --> 00:31:57.200
Market forces but rather that markets function within a total socio-economic context he says this 

00:31:57.200 --> 00:32:03.800
should set off a bell in your head remember Mauss and the total social phenomena how you 

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understand 

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economy as a system that is intertwined with all of the domains of society so he kind of says that 

00:32:19.150 --> 00:32:30.750
these norms and the pushback and the kind of moral landscape that people lived in the way they shape 

00:32:30.750 --> 00:32:33.200
that this 

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00:32:33.600 --> 00:32:36.900


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subtle sense of right and wrong that people drew on shaped the economy 

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the markets functioned based on the logic of crowd pressure 

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so 

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there is a sense again that the economy is not just nickels and dimes people calculating in 

00:33:10.300 --> 00:33:21.100
order to get more for less there's a reality out there that it helps shape with economic 

00:33:21.100 --> 00:33:23.100
behavior 

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and that is the reality that Thompson tries to capture and inspires us to understand with his 

00:33:30.900 --> 00:33:34.600
concept of the moral economy 

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so think for yourselves what other cases can you come up with that exemplify a moral economy the 

00:33:48.300 --> 00:33:57.300
obvious answer is of course the two other texts from the syllabus Scott Meyers pieces but I want you 

00:33:57.300 --> 00:34:04.600
to think for yourself also a bit as well now we're going to take a break. What other examples 

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00:34:04.600 --> 00:34:14.800
can you have is this something completely of the past or are there examples of what Thompson 

00:34:14.800 --> 00:34:21.699
writes about this concept of the moral economy in our time even in our society I want you to 

00:34:21.699 --> 00:34:28.199
think about that and think just to identify where we're going a bit think also critically perhaps in 

00:34:28.199 --> 00:34:34.550
the seminars or at a later stage what problems can you see inherent in the concept of the moral 

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00:34:34.550 --> 00:34:40.500
economy what criticism can you make of this analysis that EP Thompson lays out these are 

00:34:40.500 --> 00:34:45.400
questions that will get back to in the next recording 