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Alright we're back to the second half of the lecture and I hope what we're talking about now is 

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feeling somewhat familiar to that because we are very much moving in the same terrain as we have 

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before you know we see that yes for this concept of the moral economy and the data that we're 

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represented by EP Thompson

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and James Scott we see that yes supply and demand profit motive these things play a key role in 

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the way economic life 

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takes shape yes people like to buy low and sell high 

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and yes the market traders in Thompson's texts were out to seek profit yes economic incentives 

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matter as these classical economics text told us from Smith and onwards, yes to all of that but 

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economic profit incentives are not everything that matters in fact economic incentives the 

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search for ways to make more economic profit is perhaps not even the main thing that matters when it 

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comes to the actual functioning of markets that's basically what's Thompson and as we'll talk about 

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now Scott 

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are saying there are other dynamics that shape economic life 

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the crowd that comes and talks about the resistance of the crowd based on a moral consensus based on 

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a shared consensus of right and wrong this consensus 

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and the resistance that it provoked evidently shaped market practices in the 1700s says EP Thompson 

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now James Scott 

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a few years later in this 1977 I think book develops the idea and the concept of EP Thompson further 

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and he's perhaps the one who really turned the moral economy into widely known widely discussed 

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concept now you can find dozens if not hundreds of articles books that discusses this 

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Concept across disciplines including very significantly including anthropology and economic 

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anthropology. So James Scott develops the same idea as EP Thompson there is something else in 

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addition to or something even more important than the incentives to making a profit that shape 

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people's lives and in particularly he says 

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the lives of the peasants the moral economy of the peasant rebellion and subsistence in Southeast 

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Asia it's his title so straight off the bat we're talking about subsistence peasants 

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what is a peasant and why isn't he calling these people farmers 

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the word peasant apparently peers in English in late I think medieval times and it's used to refer 

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to the rural poor rural residents serves agricultural labourers the common people and it's often 

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conceptually separated from the term farmers because peasants work for subsistence rather 

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than primarily rather than for making a profit. 

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So we are now firmly placed in one of Polanyis three principles for economic systems that 

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characterized most of human history as we know he put it reciprocity redistribution and householding 

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so we're now in house holding land here. Again this is an example of how you can make 

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comparisons and draw on the ideas of the authors. These are people peasants doing householding producing 

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not you know Goods not for exchange producing food not for exchange primarily but for use to feed 

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themselves their family unit their own 

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and only when that is done they might go to a marketplace and sell some

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Surplus 

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so this is a different logic says Scott which characterises much of the region that he is known for 

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studying southeast Asia and where he draws his examples in that chapter where that we're reading for 

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this week. Agricultural subsistence is not an economic enterprise looking to do business and ensure 

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profits but agriculture of subsistence which is

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limited exclusively to feeding those who practice it. 

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Scott says the profit motive in this way of life is in itself 

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a secondary concern, these people are living 

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often on the edge of hunger or have memories of hunger people in their family history have starved

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had to do certain things to avoid hunger 

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and their main concern 

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is to maintain their subsistence levels rather than their profit 

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so when given the choice for example and this leads to some practices that from the viewpoint 

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of a standard expectation in economic thought about how people are prone to maximise their profits 

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in this view these practices that Scott discusses seem paradoxical because when given the choice for 

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example between a crop that has a higher average yield on average gives more of itself to the 

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peasant 

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and on the other hand one that has lower average yield 

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peasants can actually end up choosing the one that has the lowest average yield contradicting the 

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standard expectations that they maximise profit maximise utility because the one that has a higher 

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average yield you might dip below and be more risky dip below subsistence levels, leave them into a hunger 

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and 

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certain years 

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so they operate on the principle of safety first even the crops that might on average 

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yield less in terms of what they produce 

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if they are still more secure less risky to dip below the subsistence levels the levels in which 

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if you pass them you move into hunger you get into real trouble 

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then they are likely to go by the safety first principle 

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so this is particularly the case for those peasants says Scott who operate close to the subsistence 

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minimum those cultivators are very low incomes little land and large families few outside opportunities 

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they are prone to go by the safety first principle rather than maximising profit 

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and it's got documents in some detail how they spread risk use different kinds of seeds variety 

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choose varieties crop varieties that are stable that endure environmental catastrophe 

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rather than ones then that provide the highest income and even the highest average yield, because 

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remember peasants are subject to the fortunes and the misfortunes of whether they seek to create a 

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safety net 

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also by relying on kin and friends by helping each other 

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to be bailed out in bad years of harvest, and that in turn as we know from Mauss that in 

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turn creates the expectation 

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that they should help the ones that help them in the next season when he or she does not have enough 

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to spare. So this is the moral economy for Scott, a system of subsistence peasants 

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trying to sustain their subsistence levels and whereby kin and friends can be drawn on as resources 

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in reciprocal networks. 

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Again this is a moral concern, patrons have moral responsibility to provide for their clients 

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there's reciprocity involved obligation and moral expectation. 

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What comes in to this system and leads people to revolt as we know from Thompson right this is 

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the main insight that he provides us that there's a relationship between the moral sense of right and 

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wrong among 

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poor people and the market practices

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that people 

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follow and the way people act in a market, the way richer producers act in a market and the 

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prices that they set. So what leads people to revoke what produces uprisings what is the political 

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potential of the subsistence ethic that Scott writes about 

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well his whole book and his whole career can be seen as an answer to that question 

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but basically peasants bebel when their subsistence levels are threatened and that seems quite 

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fair point or quite straightforward but there's a there's a little bit deeper anthropological insight here. 

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A peasant can be really upset or pissed off at say a 10% increase in rents on the land by landowners 

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if it is a really really bad year for Harvest 

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but on the other hand can be okay with a 30-40% increase in rents or taxes or what 

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have you in a very good year 

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because the peasant 

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Says James Scott asks how much is left when someone takes something away from them 

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how much is left in their stock of food resources 

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before he asked how much is actually taken 

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he asks whether The Agrarian system respects its basic needs as a consumer 

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so this is a moral economy for Scott's and in this is very much in line with and develop further 

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develop the ideas of EP Thompson the poor have an ingrained sense of right and wrong a social right 

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to subsistence, it's not you know the moral economy is not an abstract notion of fairness 

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but it's about a social right of subsistence and subsistence level varies according to historical 

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environmental and cultural factors that follows this study 

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so kind of at the minimum the moral economy for Scott is this expectation that at least it should 

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not invade or ruin the subsistence reserves of these poor people and at most it can turn into a 

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sense that it needs have a positive moral obligation to provide for the needs of the poor in times 

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of bad harvest, he writes about the moral economy as ethos shared by the people a standard of 

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equity against which 

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the moral performance of elites might be judged. 

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Let's put a pin in that quote, we will come back to it. 

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This is what Thompson and Scott kind of lays out in terms of their understanding of the moral 

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economy. 

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Meyer  

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does not use directly the term moral economy in her text that we have for this week, but her text 

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nonetheless refers to this kind of moral anxiety over commodity circulation from different angle 

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from the ethnographic perspective of Ghana and she explores the ways in which Pentecostals 

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in Ghana seeks to defetishize commodities as part of an ongoing spiritual war so here 

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we'll see again with my religion coming in as an element a domain that intersects with what we think 

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of as the economic and how its impact is impossible to separate these domains. 

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now I don't want to kind of over determine how you read Meyer's text and it's a rather I think nice 

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ethnographic evocative piece so I won't go into the details of it but I want you to go to her as a 

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place where you can look for some of these theoretical ideas that you've read in the syllabus okay 

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so use that as a kind of a testing ground to see whether you can apply some of the ideas that you 

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have 

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that we have talked about in these lectures and in the seminars. Obviously moral economy you can say that 

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what she's writing about is a kind of a dark side of the moral economy she claims that 

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Pentecostal prayer in Ghana has emerged as a good answer kind to the anxiety of economic 

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globalization. 

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There's a way of making commodities moral again 

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so we're dealing with another kind of you could say another kind of moral economy one that critiques 

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capitalist consumption critiques commodity fetishism we talked about in week 4 see if you can make 

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some sense of that concept in this text 

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and finally prayer for those of you who know the text already 

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you remember that prayer is a form of you could say embedding re-embedding commodities back into 

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a local universe of meaning in Ghana, it's a moral act it's a way to handle 

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globalisation 

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so think of these prayer practices perhaps as forms of embedding 

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related to the double movement concept and consider it in light of what we know about this gift 

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exchange, all this is suggestion on how you can read 

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that text and use it as a training ground for your thinking. 

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So finally as I promised you 

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we will also spend a bit of time thinking critically ourselves about the moral economy concept, I 

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think there are two criticisms that you could level against this concept and it has provoked a lot 

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of debate in anthropology and beyond. One does it rely on a kind of a high consensus among 

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people 

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is it overly static this idea that people share a moral sense of right and wrong, is it even perhaps 

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open itself to or invite analysts and anthropologists to romanticise certain tendencies among the 

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poor?

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second kind of criticism you could think and we're thinking out loud here does the moral economy 

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concept tend to assume that we're moving away from moral dimensions of the economy that the 

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economic wherever it enters is corrosive of morals it treats does it kind of treat ethical life as 

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one thing and then economics 

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as a completely distinct sphere of action that operate on completely different principles 

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and does this crafts in the sense 

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contribute to this thought idea that the economy and the economic is something completely separate 

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distinct from the social?

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I'll try to make the second question more concrete behind the moral

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economy. You'll notice in Scotts text and also Thompson that there's a tendency to portray 

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the moral economy as a fundamentally something located in the past 

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and there's this tendency I would suggest also in some other readings to think that you know 

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gift economies are stuff of the past now we're into this completely different terrain 

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and he Thompson quotes I'll quote him here saying that in the 18th 

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century in Britain and France the market remained the social as well as an economic nexus. 

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So that's makes sense okay this is enticing, the marketplace in these times was a place where people 

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went to to resist and to rumour and gossip and feel that they had strength and riots 

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and so it was a social as well as an economic consensus it remained that in these places, but what's 

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perhaps assumed here or implied is that apart from these places you know in the time that followed 

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the market is only an economic nexus. 

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So put a pin in that. Is the market today only an economic Nexus and is that implied by the 

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concept of a moral economy?

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Think of it in terms of Karen Ho's text remember all the way back to the first week 

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the moral basis of market traders 

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is there a kind of a reification of like a stern drawing of a boundary between the economic and 

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the social in these texts about the moral economy that is problematic, and is there a sense that 

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before the economy was moral now it has nothing to do with morals it used to be a social as well 

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as an economic nexus 

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but now it is only an economic nexus, is that implied in the text and to what extent is that a 

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problem? to what extent is that 

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realistic understanding of what economic life today is? is there such a thing as moral economy today?

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and this is possibly the criticism I would level against moral economy concept or the way that it's 

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been used at least that there is a danger inherent in this literature on the moral economy and the 

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readings today of seeing this moral underpinning and the economic life as a battleground where 

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people's notions of right and wrong play a part, there's a 

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Danger of seeing this as something that is placed in the past or something exotic faraway and not really 

00:24:31.000 --> 00:24:44.500
relevant today to the extent that it is a fair reading of Thompson, I would say that the notion of 

00:24:44.500 --> 00:24:46.700
the moral economy has 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 78% (HØY)

00:24:47.000 --> 00:24:57.800
A problem. Although it is tremendously useful for seeing certain things it comes with perhaps this 

00:24:57.800 --> 00:25:06.300
little bit of a baggage that tends to to draw a line saying that today the economy has nothing to do 

00:25:06.300 --> 00:25:16.700
with morals, but think for yourselves I mean is it the case that the moral economy is only a thing of 

00:25:16.700 --> 00:25:18.400
the past? 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 71% (MEDIUM)

00:25:18.800 --> 00:25:24.000
A standard as James Scott says, a 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:25:24.000 --> 00:25:29.300
standard a certain standard of equity against which the moral performance of elites might be 

00:25:29.300 --> 00:25:32.300
judged do we have such a thing today?

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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:25:34.600 --> 00:25:37.300
of course. 

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Treffsikkerhet: 86% (HØY)

00:25:37.700 --> 00:25:47.800
I think to be fair Scott and Thompson would firmly agree economic life is still full of moral 

00:25:47.800 --> 00:26:03.250
boundaries full of contestation overt as you see in certain movements to rein in the power of 

00:26:03.250 --> 00:26:07.850
multinational corporations to profit from ruining the planet 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:26:07.850 --> 00:26:12.400
and so on but also implicitly 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 83% (HØY)

00:26:13.200 --> 00:26:21.700
economic life is full of moral boundaries full of contestation, taxation is 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:26:22.300 --> 00:26:32.650
an example we accept taxation which is a transfer of wealth from the rich to the

00:26:32.650 --> 00:26:34.550
collective 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:26:34.550 --> 00:26:42.900
it is a form of redistribution one of Polanyi's three principles remember and what is taxation if 

00:26:42.900 --> 00:26:48.300
not the transfer of wealth based on a principle of right and wrong 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:26:48.300 --> 00:26:55.150
and it's something that's constantly being debated and fought over in modern society.

00:26:55.150 --> 00:27:04.700
Consider the question of diapers in Norwegian grocery stores there's diapers are deeply 

00:27:04.700 --> 00:27:14.300
subsidized commodity in the Norwegian market because as a collective with the elected 

00:27:14.300 --> 00:27:17.950
parliamentarians based on a notion of right and wrong we have 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:27:17.950 --> 00:27:23.500
come to the conclusion is that the price of diapers in Norwegian grocery stores Kiwi 

00:27:23.500 --> 00:27:31.500
And REMA1000 is not to be determined solely by supply and demand people can't make as much 

00:27:31.500 --> 00:27:42.100
money as they want from diapers there's a certain level of baseline a moral limit to making profits 

00:27:42.100 --> 00:27:45.900
from diapers in Norwegian economy. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:27:45.900 --> 00:27:56.650
Alcohol similarly has subsidies or rather the reverse taxation heavily taxed because it's considered 

00:27:56.650 --> 00:28:07.000
a threat to the social well-being of the population, farming subsidies 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:28:07.000 --> 00:28:12.300
big topic in Norway and many many other countries 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 79% (HØY)

00:28:14.100 --> 00:28:29.500
saying that we as a society will support farmers or you can say the agricultural industry  

00:28:29.500 --> 00:28:33.400
within the nation based on something else than 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 79% (HØY)

00:28:33.400 --> 00:28:46.850
profit. We will make sure that it is possible for farmers to operate in a country because we do not 

00:28:46.850 --> 00:28:52.800
trust or accept solely the logic of the market.  

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 87% (HØY)

00:28:53.600 --> 00:29:03.400
The labor market is also not a free market, there are massive amounts of laws from the United States 

00:29:03.400 --> 00:29:18.449
to Social Democratic Norway even Bangladesh sweatshops or Chinese labor camps there are indeed laws 

00:29:18.449 --> 00:29:23.750
that govern these labor markets.

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 76% (HØY)

00:29:23.750 --> 00:29:36.700
Children cannot work in labor market and sell their labor different ages but still there 

00:29:36.700 --> 00:29:43.500
are limits to how many hours people can work and how little you can pay them 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:29:43.500 --> 00:29:52.800
so there is no such thing indeed as a free market. I think if anyone can show me that thing I'll be 

00:29:53.400 --> 00:30:03.250
intrigued there is no such thing as a free market there are always limits, laws, norms, expectations 

00:30:03.250 --> 00:30:05.500
that come into play. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:30:07.100 --> 00:30:17.400
You know stockbrokers at Wall Street there's lots of rules governing the so-called 

00:30:17.400 --> 00:30:28.699
free market of Wall Street you cannot send your eight-year-old child to trade stocks on 

00:30:28.699 --> 00:30:35.000
Wall Street day in and day out because that's illegal 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:30:35.700 --> 00:30:45.850
so where the the moral boundaries are drawn and how economic life is shaped is of course a battle 

00:30:45.850 --> 00:30:55.400
where notions of right and wrong remain deeply important. This is a 

00:30:55.400 --> 00:31:03.700
debate that keeps going endlessly, latest perhaps in the last few years we have had this debate 

00:31:03.700 --> 00:31:04.900
and critique 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:31:04.900 --> 00:31:09.000
of course of corporate social responsibility.  

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 75% (MEDIUM)

00:31:09.900 --> 00:31:20.400
Nonetheless I want you to reflect yourselves on the question. Even

00:31:20.400 --> 00:31:26.500
though we have examples of the moral economy today we I encourage you all

00:31:26.500 --> 00:31:33.800
to develop this further and think about similarities and differences but nonetheless is 

00:31:33.800 --> 00:31:40.650
there something fundamentally qualitatively different from the society that EP Thompson 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 83% (HØY)

00:31:40.650 --> 00:31:42.650
describes 

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Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:31:42.650 --> 00:31:46.300
and the world we live in today 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:31:47.400 --> 00:31:59.500
that is a difficult question and one that I like to leave you to think about and discuss 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 86% (HØY)

00:32:00.800 --> 00:32:06.800
because that's the point of all this I mean this lectures this course is to get your own thinking 

00:32:06.800 --> 00:32:15.400
going, to get your own ideas and reasoning going. Not to just accept mine. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:32:15.500 --> 00:32:22.699
Next week we are going to talk about a topic that has been lingering in much of our readings so far 

00:32:22.699 --> 00:32:33.500
but we have not dealt with directly which is the question of value and 

00:32:33.500 --> 00:32:41.000
this is another way of raising some of these issues that we've been talking about again and again 

00:32:41.000 --> 00:32:43.200
for the last weeks.

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:32:43.200 --> 00:32:54.900
so until next week enjoy your seminars and readings, enjoy your discussions and feel free to let me 

00:32:54.900 --> 00:33:07.300
know also if things are working more or less to the extent that you would like and yeah feel free to 

00:33:07.300 --> 00:33:12.700
get in touch tell me about the seminars tell me about the lectures 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 91% (HØY)

00:33:12.700 --> 00:33:23.100
and we'll try to adjust as we go along, but until then until I hear from you or until I 

00:33:23.100 --> 00:33:33.750
broadcast the new lecture I hope you'll have a good and interesting week as students in this country 

00:33:33.750 --> 00:33:40.000
that we are living in Norway have a good one see you soon bye bye. 