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The second theme we're going to discuss this week is the politics of knowledge or rather the 

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relationship between knowledge and politics, this is another classic in anthropology and we're going 

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to look at two very different approaches to that similar in a sense but also quite different in what 

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they want to do with discussing politics and knowledge. 

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They are similar in the sense that they both examine policy and the political implications of policy 

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and contrast that to local knowledges. The two articles one written by Posey in the 1970s and 

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Fairhead and Leach in 1990s are empirically looking at similar cases. 

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Both examine patches of forest islands that appear to be natural but are not, they are 

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cultural in the sense of being man-made, and they use that distinction or the case study to examine a 

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dichotomy that we looked at last week between nature and culture, is basically assumptions about the 

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divide between human interventions and nature that 

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Lies behind what they think are the misunderstandings or the misconstructions of the problem done 

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by policymakers here. 

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They also set out to address policy makers and policies themselves from two different perspectives 

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that also reflects where they are talking from the time period in which they wrote. Posey writing in 

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the 1970s stressed correction, he wanted to get across that there is a valid form of knowledge that 

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is not your typical scientific knowledge that he calls 

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indigenous knowledge, and that this should be used and be understood by policymakers in order to make 

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better decisions, so he really wants to have an impact on policy through better knowledge. Fairhead and Leach 

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Writes from a Foucauldian tradition where knowledge in itself is much more suspect it's seen 

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as having in and of itself political consequences and specifically scientific knowledge. 

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So they focus on the mistakes that are made and how these are reproduced and the kind of 

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How power effects that these mistakes happen. So let's begin with the Posey article his research was 

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done in the 1970s in Brazilian Amazon among Kayapó indigenous people and as I said

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He stressed throughout the lack of studies on indigenous knowledge 

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so you see the article is full of classifications, indigenous knowledge use of classifications to 

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show that this is also some kind of valid knowledge that should be taken seriously by biologists and 

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by scientists and policymakers. 

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The main point of the article is to show that what appears as natural i.e. a natural 

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forest is the result of management and creation by the Kayapó indigenous people 

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He centres his case around a phenomenon that has been studied by many before him the so-called apêtê 

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the forest islands. They look like these sort of scattered old forests in an otherwise open 

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landscape so what they look at is remains of all forest and policymakers have thought that 

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these are really the only things that are left by the destructive practices of the indigenous people 

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they are left a few patches of forest in place the rest has been destroyed by slash and burn and 

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similar practices this is turning the case completely on its head argues Posey, they are created by 

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indigenous people and would not exist without them, and it goes through a quite complex process of 

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how these

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forests are created, over how forest islands are created, they are created by taking compost heaps 

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from existing forest which are then left to rot they are beaten and moved into new areas they are 

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sort of mixed with other substances such as soil from termite mounds and then carefully neutered  

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and extended over the years until you have a new 

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new forest island. They do this because they are created as a refuge in terms of 

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trouble and in terms of war for instance, so in addition to having useful plants such as food plants 

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they also have other useful plants such as medicines for instance so you can almost think of them as 

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concentrated gardens created throughout the landscape 

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With shelter for hiding food to eat and and medicine 

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further these forest islands then are linked with corridors, as the people move through the landscape they 

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pick and collect seeds and roots and plant them along the paths between the different forests and in 

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that way create a landscape where they can move through it and find useful things as they move 

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through the landscape 

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and these corridors together with their gardens are managed through fire, which we will get back to in a bit. So 

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rather than having indigenous people destroying the forest and only leaving patches left Posey

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paints a picture of an indigenous people who have a close intimate relationship with their 

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environment 

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who create forest, they remove useful plants into places where they have use for them and 

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through painting such a picture he asked us to reconsider what is natural, it's not a 

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case where you had a natural all expanding forest destroyed by people, rather this is a managed 

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landscape and part of why this is misunderstood in the first place is the nature/society divide.

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When you see patches of forest you naturally think 

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if you start out with a nature/society divide that the people in that landscape must have 

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destroyed the forest since the forest were there first, but this is not the case at all. 

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Rather he argues that this could be a model of deforestation if you look at the management 

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techniques of the Kayapó you could actually use that as a way to replace destroyed 

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forests. 

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he also looks at much criticised management technique that the indigenous people also engage in 

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namely slash-and-burn cultivation this is a form of cultivation where you burn down areas huge 

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tracts of forest and by doing so you release a nutrients in the ashes and extremely barren soil that 

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is there which you can't really grow anything in, by and off itself,
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Is then useful for a season or two, but then you need to move on and burn a new area and so forth and 

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this is normally done in a kind of circulation, and it looks extremely destructive to outsiders so 

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when colonial officers and others saw these kind of practices which has been used by many people 

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throughout the world, they try to stop it and have people use fertilisers instead, but often  

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with dramatic negative consequences.It turns out that this is actually one of the best ways of 

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managing agriculture in a situation like the Amazon where all the nutrition is in the plants and

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Not in the ground itself and again he shows this as a use for management technique 

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he goes on to explain that the way they managed to do this and 

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here it gets back to the importance of knowledge and indigenous knowledge, he maps out a quite 

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complex cognitive map which represent this indigenous knowledge where most plants and landscapes are 

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ordered as a continuum from one 

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ideal type the forest to another one that Savanna and the Apêtê is a link between this type 

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and is created by thinking about it as a link, so it shows that this kind duality or 

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A mixture of different sets is recreated throughout down the levels as well and used as a way 

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of managing the environment. 

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So rather than a natural forest destroyed by management techniques and scientific management 

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techniques Posey tells us that there is a knowledge as scientific knowledge but a different kind of 

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Science and Indigenous knowledge behind this 

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the landscape that is managed he says or plant species that are found in these managed areas has come from an 

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area as big as Europe, so it's a huge and complex system. In a later article he said that he stressed 

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this management perhaps a bit too much because he also wanted to make a political claim because if 

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the indigenous people have cultivated and made this landscape they obviously have 

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a very different kind of claim to it than if they just live there or destroyed it. He's also been 

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accused by some biologists of not getting the classifications right but the important bit for us 

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here is the argument he makes about understanding other forms or view of what is going on, that the 

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indigenous local view is a valid view and explains what is happening in this environment 

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and further that the mistake made by biologists and policy managers stems from a separation a

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conceptual separation of nature and society in the first place, and as I said writing in the 1970s 

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what Posey really wanted to do here was to add a corrective to policy. He thought that if I just 

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apply this knowledge if I just show 

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Policy makers that the knowledge is wrong and that we need to learn from indigenous people you will find better 

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alternatives. 

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Fairhead and Leach talks about a very similar case but in the 1990s, and for that 

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reason their politics is different as well. We are moving now from Brazilian 

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Amazon to West Africa, but a case that shows many of the same 

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Problems as I said. The problem here is that nature in West Africa from colonial time has 

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Have suffered from de-forestation due to practices of indigenous people. At first one 

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thought that the reason why you had a lot of Savannah was because it did not have a lot of rainfall 

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and at the time one believed that rainfall 

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will follow the trees and it was natives that destroyed the trees that would lead to the dry 

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climate in the first place. 

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From the outside there was an assumption that it was indigenous peoples bad practices that was 

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The explanation for the climatic problems. Fairhead and Leach argues that you have to try to look at

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the present situation and compare it to what they thought was a climax 

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situation, again when you saw patches of forest left in an almost barren landscape you thought that 

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well originally this must have been covered with forest and the indigenous unknowing people 

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through the practices had destroyed everything and only left a few forest patches  

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left, and if you just stop the destruction the bad farming 

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practices this original forest will then return.

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The desertification one saw then and the spread of the Savannah as one explain soil 

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erosion due to bad farming practices, and the interesting thing they show is that this was 'known' even 

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before 'known' in inverted commas even before one actually looked at the empirical evidence, it was 

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just assumed that by the European conquerors that this must have been the case.

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It is interesting that they say that the same kind of colonial discourse happens 

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today as well with people who wants to help, so this narrative 

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rather than discourse forms a narrative of crisis. 

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Blame is placed on shifting cultivators and pastoralist who do not know what the best practices are 

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this is not investigated empirically, it has formed the basis for policy from the colonial time to 

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the present and the only solution then is to create forest reserves and have people viewed out 

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of the landscape i.e. impose a nature/society distinction. The point 

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Of that even if this narrative has formed the basis both for Colonial authorities and development 

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work the justification given has been different, whereas colonial authorities tended to stress ignorance, 

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the development workers tended to stress external factors and breakdown of traditional societies and 

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more benign 

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explanations like that for instance. They then go through two examples of this empirically. One is the 

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forest region of Guinea were from colonial policy to the present has argued that the remains the 

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islands of forest that you now see surrounding the villages are the remains of a large forest climax 

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that used to be surrounding the whole landscape and it's now 

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disappearing rapidly because of human destruction, and the reason for this is farming practices such 

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as slash and burn farming as I just explained as well as population increase interestingly here 

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that is used as an explanation as well, as well as social breakdown because of modern 

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developments that break down what was 

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perhaps older forms of control and management of a common resource, so this is just assumed through 

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all the reports from colonial times to the present they argue. It contrasts widely with what happens 

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if you as an anthropologist speak to people, because people living in the area will tell you that 

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rather than a massive forest disappearing the forest is increasing and what used to be a 

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savannah 

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is now emerging as forest islands and further this is collaborated by photographs.

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So what is going on here 

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what they argue is going on is that this forest has been planted by people what they see as forest 

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islands by people and not then are the last remains of human settlements or what used to be 

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there before human settlements, second example is really similar it's from what is now a UNESCO 

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biosphere reserve and a world Bank conservation 

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project 

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again patches of forest are seen as remains of what used to be the upper Guinean forest 

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Block and again it is people's destructive practices that are used as an explanation for why there 

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is hardly any forest left again, the local understanding of what is going on is that what used to 

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be Savannah then was depopulated by forced removals of people and then 

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forest emerged in what used to be the natural landscape there namely a savannah, so the forest that 

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You see bits of now is actually increasing it's not what used to be there and it's also a 

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system or a symbol of dispossession. This is very similar to what I found in my case study I did in 

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South Africa at the UNESCO world heritage site where 

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conservation is try to look after or protect what they see as a last remains of a coastal Forest 

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again looking at photographs you see that this forest emerged in the apartheid years when people were 

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forcefully removed from the grazing grounds, so what was center had been grazing grounds had 

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forest encroached on them as people were forcibly removed by apartheid. So again the same 

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mistake 

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goes on in all these cases is that when you see bits of forest and man used landscapes you assume 

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that there must have been a total coverage of forest and that the man use management of landscape is 

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destroying what used to be a pristine forest, and again that builds on a distinction between nature 

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and society. So for the whole region then argues Fairhead and Leach we see 

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Increasing evidence that forest is growing into eating into encroaching on the Savannah not the other 

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way around and that actually farming assist this because in the first case what you saw as Forest 

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is managed forest around homesteads, for the nature conservation area you also see that forest is 

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increasing and not decreasing as people have moved out 

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but because the narrative they say this doesn't really register at all, then all reports written all 

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policy made assumed that this must have been a forest that is now being destroyed by people and therefore 

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we need to stop people from using this environment to save the forest, and again this 

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comes from drawing a sharp distinction between nature and society in the first place. 

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So to the overall theme then, both would agree that knowledge is not neutral here. Posey argues 

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that knowledge has negative consequences because it is wrong and he wants to correct it, so he 

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wants to make sure that the right kind of knowledge reach policy makers so that you can help and 

00:22:29.100 --> 00:22:34.699
promote and create better alternatives and he even as you saw think that 

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he has found a way that modern management techniques can use traditional knowledge to make sure that 

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you have a deforestation, Fairhead and Leach writes another the tradition a very 1990s tradition where 

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knowledge is seen as power and anthropology is used to be skeptical of scientific knowledge the kind 

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of science that they described here which is also science 

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but also policy interventions in form of development projects is so much based on an 

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assumption about the distinction between nature and society that all local practices are seen as 

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destructive in the first place and it is because of the way that scientific knowledge is structured 

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in this way that is really hard to get past it so what we can do is stand at the outside and 

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criticize it. 

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Now think about that in relationship with what Anna Tsing is writing a decade or so later, she 

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writes sort of with this kind of tradition as a background and therefore all wants to open an 

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Invitation again for just not criticizing science but also finding ways of knowing and working together 

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with it just to make a link back to what we talked about last week 

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okay that was all for now see you all on Thursday. 