WEBVTT Kind: captions; language: en-us

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So welcome to the third week of this series, where we again is going to look at an absolute classic 

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In environmental anthropology and this is the critique of conservation, there has been a long debate 

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between anthropologists and conservationists where anthropologists have claimed that conservation 

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interest do not pay a sufficiently attention to people when they 

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they set out to save nature. That debate has moved quite a lot in recent years again exemplified 

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by some of the writings of Anna Tsing and colleagues but today we're going to look at some of the 

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more classic critiques of conservation at least in the first article by Brosius and then a slightly 

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different take on that with the article by Li and then I'm also including a newer 

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article by myself just to show you some of the more contemporary thinking about these issues, but first to 

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Brosius and Li then.  

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Brosius argues that anthropology and anthropological studies of environmental organisations are missing an 

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important aspect which he calls how these organizations are not just voluntary NGOs outside the 

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state but they are pretty much part of what Foucault would call an apparatus of control and 

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Surveillance. Now this is 

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pretty much the standard critique of environmental NGOs and development NGOs at the time when 

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Brosius is writing, we touched on that a bit last week I mentioned this framework to you, you 

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don't necessarily need to go into that literature to understand what he's saying here but just let 

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me recap briefly. He builds on a realist 

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seminal study by someone called James Ferguson who wrote a book in 1990 I think it was 

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called the anti politics machine, where he argues that development interventions do much more than 

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just fail which they he says obviously do because we are not getting rid of poverty they do 

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something else they make poverty manageable by removing politics from it 

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the kind of Foucauldian argument that is made here is that in failing to solve development issues 

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development institutions at the same time do something else they make poverty 

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manageable. Brosius do something really similar here, he argues that 

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because of the way that discourses of environmentalism work it's a move away from moral and 

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politics to technical solutions and it gives a really good empirical example of that which is 

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important that you try to follow.

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this happens he says is not that surprising because since the Brundtland commission in the late 1980s 

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development and environmental concerns have been merged to a large extent, this then creates in a very Foucauldian  

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Way then an apparatus for producing knowledge about environments about the third world and 

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so on, and this apparatus then privilege certain actors 

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somebody is able to speak or the people are not able to speak we will touch a bit on that in the 

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next article by Li as well and it frames what is possible to do more concretely in this case we will 

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see it takes or frames a moral political issue as a technical one of therefore also displaces what 

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is possible to do we do this kind of issue he tries to argue. He uses a really famous example from 

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environmentalism to argue this and this is a case that those of us that were around in the 

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1980s really remember the case of forestry of huge cutting down the forest and indigenous 

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rainforest in Borneo and elsewhere so what happened here is that a situation where you have a 

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what used to be a 

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hunter-gathering nomadic people that had been for years settled or try to settled and 

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ordered by state into settlements so that it was only about 5% that remained nomadic. These people 

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were not recognized as indigenous people in any meaningful way by the government by the Malaysian 

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government they were more seen as primitives that needed help and need to be developed into more modern 

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members of state now this area where they were living had a huge amount of hardwood, they were one of the main 

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suppliers of tropical hardwoods from the 1980s onwards. The deforestation in the area 

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was really quite severe and of course for the 5% of the nomadic dependent that still remained, 

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this had extremely grave consequences when their livelihoods were 

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basically disappearing. In 1987 this really hit international media when the east of Panem the 

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nomadic part of the Panem erected roadblocks they had created statements translated into English and 

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Japanese and the press coverage of this was really massive, when we were presented with 

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indigenous people in indigenous 

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Attires standing up creating roadblocks to huge machine to capitalist exploitation and deforestation 

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and these images traveled around the world really important in mobilising a mass campaign against 

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a different station in Malaysia. 

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It really really focused how a little group of people were able to stand up to big 

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international interest and the state, so the kind of image that they had a primitive indigenous 

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people living in harmony with nature that was then being destroyed by capital interest and a ruthless 

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state, also there was a lot of people who sort of signed up for that campaign 

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it was made famous by a Swiss environmental activist called Bruno Manser who had lived with 

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Them for a long time and also help them to orchestrate an international campaign to help them but 

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also Malaysian NGOs bands such as the Grateful Dead and Prince Charles really got behind the 

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campaign and it was framed as being extremely urgent. We 

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Were told that these forest operations kept on going for 24 hours a day and large football fields were 

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disappearing like every hour or so we really needed to do something now to stop this massive 

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destruction of tropical forests. Wo what I have here then is a typical clash in a sense, the Malaysian 

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response to this the official response from the government 

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was quite aggressive, they were saying that who are you to tell us what to do you're 

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a Primitive backward people that we are trying to help in the first place you do 

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not have any moral rights to tell us what to do when you have a long history of imperialism and you 

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have forgotten what you have done to your own native people and then sort of branded this as a way 

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of new colonialism and eco-imperialism. On the other side was an

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equally strong moral argument the picture we were presented with as I said was about destruction 

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destroying indigenous societies and destroying pristine nature so the important point here 

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is that both sides for now argued in moral and political terms this was a moral issue and it was 

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all to do about the politics of either developing an backward nation and making it into a modern 

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first 

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Nation that the Malaysian said or about greedy capitalist and state officials destroying our common 

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Heritage in an indigenous forest so this was a moral and political battle more than anything 

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else. 

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The first response were also quite crude when for instance when a Malaysian government official were 

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confronted with the view that deforestation would change the climate so that you would have less 

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rain he said that well this is some brilliant thing because it means that the rain will not interrupt my golf 

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and they also try to sort of crude critiques which like saying that well this is really 

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all sponsored by the 

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northern forestry operations who field the competition from us so that was sort of a response that 

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didn't work well because it was so crude and banal in a sense but then something interesting happens 

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from the 1990s onwards. The shift then in argument was not about what the Malaysian government was 

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doing with the people and the forest but more about the links between the North and 

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the South 

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so they began to present argumentations like well why should be have a sustainable 

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logging of tropical timber When the Northern countries do not have a sustainable use of their 

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resources 

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number one also that well the main problem here is that it's people in the north who buy this 

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hardwood so it's not a consumption it's you people who complain that is part of the problem, and then of 

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course into the wider discourses about north-south relations how the north had underdeveloped the 

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South and who are you to tell us not to make an industrial Development now that we are finally 

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beginning to 

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catch up with with you, so that shifted the argument from just 

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internal to the Malaysian side to the relationship between the North and the South, and 

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it was not only the Malaysian government that did this but also Malaysian NGOs which made it really 

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hard for the northern NGOs to ignore that argument and part of which they were in agreement 

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with anyway when they have been going on about consumerism as being part of an environmental problem 

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themselves so this was an argument that could not be ignored. 

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There was a shift then in campaigning against the logging, activists then shifted to consumption 

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in the north and advocated a full ban on all hardwoods and I remember this growing up that you should 

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not really have teak in your house that was a bad thing because this most came mostly came from 

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unsustainable forces but the debate 

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was then should this really be completely banned and this is crucial or can we get a system in 

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place that ensures that we only have sustainable use of hardwoods, so the importers and the

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sellers of hardwood from the south said that fine we will agree to a ban or stop importing this if 

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you help us get a system in place where we can certify that

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this product is then sustainably sourced, so the NGO found themselves eventually caught up or being 

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becoming part of a system of certification of responsible use of hardwood 

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so this came about both as a result of the Malaysian government's response 

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how they shifted the relationship to North-south and how they shifted their focus to western consumerism 

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and that the northern NGOs because of that had to re-assess the situation.

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And then something happens as he points out, the Malaysian then were able to say that 

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well we have actually a long history of sustainable forest management and they could point to 

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documents talking about sustainable forest management from the 1970s onwards but what is interesting 

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Brosius points out is that nobody defined what sustainable meant in this setting 

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so when the Malaysian government talked about sustainable forest management in the 70s that meant 

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economically sustainable management i.e. only use resources to such an extent that we have an 

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economic gain on in the future, there was no mention of indigenous people and looking after the 

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ecosystem but by just keeping that word you were able to sort of say that this is something we have 

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done for a long time.

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This shift then Brosius points out came about not by a coincidence but when the Malaysian realized 

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that they needed to redefine the debate they used two of the most famous public relations 

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firms at the time, which then stress the science along sustainability 

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and they helped set up a whole 

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research and conference apparatus as he calls it to produce this new kind of knowledge about how do 

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we solve how do we make sure that timber is now produced sustainably in this new meaning this was 

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just not rhetoric Brosius points out but it created a new kind of institution, institutions where 

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the solution moved from being 

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political and moral to being technical, technical in a sense of how do we set up these kind of 

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apparatus 

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A set up a way of giving a certificate to certain producers who say that this has been 

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sustainably produced and the forest Stewardship Council which some of you might have heard of came 

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out of this, so the NGOs found themselves on a completely different arena rather than being able to 

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say that we need to stop this 

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terrible destruction of indigenous societies and indigenous forests and we need to mobilise now, they

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Found themselves as conveners of conferences of new organisations that put in control mechanisms on 

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sustainable use of forest 

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and this of course created a shift from the focus on politics to a focus on science and management. 

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so rather than mobilizing morally against against the destruction of forest one would now meant 

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to set in to be part of a larger more technical apparatus right, and this Brosius and many others 

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have happened with environmental management more generally and it's a huge 

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debate in environmental circles whether this is a good thing or not, what has happened since this 

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time 

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is there's been a concentration of power in a few some call it the big five environmental 

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organisations such as the WWF for instance who are massive multi-million corporations who work 

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closely with what earlier environmentalist would have seen as enemies like Shell and so on

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In order they argue to work from the inside and try to 

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change things there, and you have had initiatives such as PES payment for ecosystem services which is 

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exactly the same thing right it's taking what Ingold and others would call an over environment and 

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turning it into a commodity and putting a price to it so that it can be managed within a capital 

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system and as I said it's a lot with discussion within environmental organizations whether this is 

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good 

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or not read the Norwegian initiative to save the rainforest by putting a price on it as well and 

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paying people or governments not to cut down trees is a similar initiative. You can debate and talk 

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and discuss whether this is a good thing or not but Brosius point which links back to the 

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Foucauldian argument is that the debate has shifted we started out with moral about 

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and politics about greedy capitalists about the bad government destroying its own force and its

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Own people to more instrumental discussions about what is happening or how to best solve 

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technically these kind of issues so the whole debate has shifted, and whether that is a good thing or a  

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bad thing is debatable. Brosius and other people with him think that this takes the politics out 

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of the 

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equation and that since this is a deeply fundamentally deeply a moral and political issue this is a 

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huge problem. 

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Li has a similar argument but with a different twist she really discusses when you remember from 

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from Brosius how the Panem was seen as backward people who needed to be saved by the 

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Malaysian government and as indigenous people and that shifted a bit she moves into that 

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process a bit more by talking about rural people in 

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Suhato a quite homogeneous set of people actually had different opportunities for 

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invoking different strategies such as being labeled tribal in Indonesia and the Suharto regime the 

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position was similar pretty similar to what we saw in Malaysia there were no indigenous people in 

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Indonesia was official 

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position rather it was a lot of poor people or traditional people living in the countryside which 

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needed help and be helped to be settled and to be modernized but they were not recognized as 

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indigenous people in the sense that Northern or Western NGOs for example did in Malaysia 

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so this creates a situation Li argues when after Suharto when this politics is opening up who are 

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able to sort of claim to be an indigenous people and she has a long theoretical argument there 

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about using Stuart Hall who's a critical Marxist to discuss that you don't need to go into 

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all the details there the important thing is that 

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He and she is trying to strike a balance and the balance is between saying that this is predetermined 

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by who the people are either you are a tribal group or you are not or you are a poor peasant or 

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you're not and the opposite argument perhaps following from Fredrik Barth and this more actor oriented 

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theories of ethnicity where there's a lot more choice when you can choose to present yourself as 

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tribal or you can choose 

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To present yourself as a peasantry for instance how he is arguing a bit of both

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you have room for maneuver as she call it within structures but these structures are not equal to all 

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and that is a point she wants to make it in this article. 

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the state programs had two different Suharto which sort of reflected something that looked 

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like indigenous identities more than the other, first one called Masyarakat Terasing 

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was sort of programs directed at what they saw as not indigenous people but primitive 

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Nomadic cultural people and these are people that needed help to

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Be settled and be part of the Modern Nation so that was sort of seen as a problem that they 

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lacked a world religion that they lacked some kind of civilizing components.

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The other kind of program was what they called Orang Kampong Village People where much more 

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straightforward development programs we used to try to help them and ethnicity and 

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difference didn't really play a role in this so the official state programs had these two kind of 

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categories but quite interestingly as Li is saying most people in the countryside could be either, as 

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as long as you are outside Java so it's not really a characteristic of the people themselves whether 

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they should belong in either of these two categories. Then comes the 

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Treffsikkerhet: 88% (HØY)

00:23:31.500 --> 00:23:38.900
NGOs with a third category of the indigenous people at the time right, which is what we 

00:23:38.900 --> 00:23:48.200
recognize as as modern environmentalism where indigenous people are seen as being tied to the place 

00:23:48.200 --> 00:23:56.200
they live have a long intimate history with that place to have to live in a sustainable way and to 

00:23:56.200 --> 00:24:01.300
have a culture that is based on the wisdom of their environment 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 84% (HØY)

00:24:01.400 --> 00:24:09.700
now she argues that with these three different categories and the two different programs of the

00:24:09.700 --> 00:24:19.000
Indonesian State and the NGOs rural people had the opportunity to place themselves in 

00:24:19.000 --> 00:24:25.900
relation to this but not as they self wished they were constrained by their history and by the 

00:24:25.900 --> 00:24:30.699
situation and also by the choice to a certain degree. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 77% (HØY)

00:24:30.699 --> 00:24:38.700
Interestingly she shows for the two cases she's looking at it is a people who were more directly in 

00:24:38.700 --> 00:24:48.500
A world with the Dutch colonialists you had to therefore come up with an idea of own traditional and 

00:24:48.500 --> 00:24:56.900
identity which therefore place them in a position to sort of play the indigenous card sort of put 

00:24:56.900 --> 00:25:00.650
more effectively than other people the Dutch colonialists had 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 73% (MEDIUM)

00:25:00.650 --> 00:25:07.600
also codified some people and they recorded that traditional culture in a certain way much like a 

00:25:07.600 --> 00:25:16.400
British colonialists did as well, so they had a much stronger sense of their own identity because of 

00:25:16.400 --> 00:25:19.150
their engagement with an outsider. 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:25:19.150 --> 00:25:27.100
The first groups she discusses is Lajue, they were mountain people with 

00:25:27.100 --> 00:25:33.900
but hadn't really been part of much interest from the modern state or from the colonialist 

00:25:33.900 --> 00:25:42.800
and therefore they did not really have a collective identity. They tend to be ruled

00:25:42.800 --> 00:25:48.300
indirectly as well the state related to The Nobles who lived down by the coast 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 82% (HØY)

00:25:48.300 --> 00:25:57.000
and these Nobles again found important people in the inlands which they sort of pointed out as 

00:25:57.000 --> 00:26:05.800
Their deputies but it was not a celebration of indigenousness either from the aristocracy or from 

00:26:05.800 --> 00:26:13.300
the people rather the aristocrats were ashamed about their more primitive background of their of the 

00:26:13.300 --> 00:26:16.100
four barriers in the mountains 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 83% (HØY)

00:26:16.100 --> 00:26:24.450
so the way they related to the state was within it, they wanted more development help more resources 

00:26:24.450 --> 00:26:30.100
resources and also a lot of conflict by all means but it was within the frame 

00:26:30.100 --> 00:26:37.400
of State development why do we not get more resources more buildings more schools Etc and the sort 

00:26:37.400 --> 00:26:45.750
of quite cynical about the state and corruption but they did not confront the state 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 79% (HØY)

00:26:45.750 --> 00:26:55.200
as an ethnic identity rather they saw himself as being ignored by the state because of their status 

00:26:55.200 --> 00:27:04.050
the Lindu is a completely different case again they reached International recognition through a 

00:27:04.050 --> 00:27:12.800
development project and this was the opposition to a dam project, they were in the at least the 

00:27:12.800 --> 00:27:16.400
English-speaking press portrayed as a Sulawesi tribe 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 77% (HØY)

00:27:16.400 --> 00:27:25.300
and they could show and argue and identify a tribal identity they had were able to present themselves 

00:27:25.300 --> 00:27:33.600
as having a traditional economic political logical knowledge a unique culture that needed to be 

00:27:33.600 --> 00:27:41.400
be protected they had tribal elders and so forth and their livelihood and culture was 

00:27:41.400 --> 00:27:45.850
strongly seen as being linked to a place so if this 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 80% (HØY)

00:27:45.850 --> 00:27:53.300
a place were destroyed by a dam they would disappear as a culture and this was a strong argument 

00:27:53.300 --> 00:27:58.300
against the Indonesian State who wanted to relocate them to another area which you could have done 

00:27:58.300 --> 00:28:05.200
with a peasantry without the same kind of problem. They had a very different history which explains 

00:28:05.200 --> 00:28:13.400
why they were able to make this point, they had been settled by the Dutch quite early and therefore 

00:28:13.400 --> 00:28:15.850
had to relate to outsiders 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:28:15.850 --> 00:28:24.500
from an early stage, they had had a struggle with resources from the Dutch and later the 

00:28:24.500 --> 00:28:31.400
State and therefore also had a strong local leadership who lived among them unlike the 

00:28:31.400 --> 00:28:39.800
other group so the conditions were already there for articulating an Indigenous identity and then 

00:28:39.800 --> 00:28:46.500
this was actually helped by the work of NGOs who then helped them 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 81% (HØY)

00:28:46.500 --> 00:28:56.100
formulate the claim as a claim based on their indigenous identity towards the 

00:28:56.100 --> 00:29:04.100
state, so she's not saying that this had to happen in that case but it had a different set of 

00:29:04.100 --> 00:29:11.700
opportunities compared to the first group they had a possible claim to a traditional land to a 

00:29:11.700 --> 00:29:15.800
traditional culture to a place to our knowledge to our history 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:29:15.800 --> 00:29:27.400
that ordinary villagers could not claim in the same sense. It also helps that it was easier for 

00:29:27.400 --> 00:29:35.100
The Lindu to access outsiders because of this kind of history right and Li herself 

00:29:35.100 --> 00:29:40.900
experience this quite clearly she has worked with the first group of people for a long long long 

00:29:40.900 --> 00:29:45.850
time and really just visited this area the Lindu

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 88% (HØY)

00:29:45.850 --> 00:29:53.400
as a comparative case and was then flown into the area presented with material that describe 

00:29:53.400 --> 00:29:59.800
them as an indigenous people their fight so it was almost a packaged case that really fit 

00:29:59.800 --> 00:30:11.200
what she calls the tribal shot in this case so what she is 

00:30:11.200 --> 00:30:15.200
really trying to argue here is that 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 74% (MEDIUM)

00:30:15.900 --> 00:30:24.200
identities like these are not given, they are presented as opportunities that are more or less easy 

00:30:24.200 --> 00:30:31.200
to use by the different different groups, it was a lot easier for this second group to claim an 

00:30:31.200 --> 00:30:39.200
identity as indigenous than the first and likewise if you look at the case of Malaysia that 

00:30:39.200 --> 00:30:45.250
Brosius talked about there's again you had a very similar starting point 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 89% (HØY)

00:30:45.250 --> 00:30:51.900
in indigenous people being destroyed by capital and greedy government which then the 

00:30:51.900 --> 00:31:03.300
government managed to shift the argument to to being about technical solutions and control 

00:31:03.300 --> 00:31:10.900
about environmentalism right. So in their way the both talk about environmental organizations Brosius 

00:31:10.900 --> 00:31:15.449
making the point that there's been an unfortunate shift 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 90% (HØY)

00:31:15.449 --> 00:31:25.300
in a move from politics to more Technical Solutions which he believes is also destroying what the 

00:31:25.300 --> 00:31:33.000
environmental organization are trying to do, and in the Li case that an idea of 

00:31:33.000 --> 00:31:38.800
indigenous people being destroyed by development actually fix some groups of people better than 

00:31:38.800 --> 00:31:45.449
Other and it's not that the first group is not as deserving and in as much need of help as 

NOTE
Treffsikkerhet: 88% (HØY)

00:31:45.449 --> 00:31:53.400
The latter but it's that articulation as she calls it between Western NGOs ideas and the situation on the 

00:31:53.400 --> 00:31:58.300
ground that made the one case work and the other not work. 